Suchergebnisse

The current field experiment investigated if and how Latinos versus Anglos experience biased treatment in a setting where documentation is relevant. In an audit experiment, Latino customers were treated differently than a matched team of Anglo customers when making $10 check payments at retail stores. Specifically, Latinos were asked to present an identification card (ID) more frequently than Anglo customers, were quoted a higher minimum-dollar amount for purchasing a gift certificate, and received more negative affect from salespersons. Among those who were asked for identification, a municipal-issued ID card was declined at equal rates from Latinos and Anglos, while an unofficial ID card was declined more from Anglos than Latinos. The association of Latino identity with foreignness and undocumented immigration, and the potential of municipal-ID card programs to serve undocumented immigrants are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Germany is often cited as a paradigmatic case for an ethnic model of nationalism but in recent years introduced many civic elements into its citizenship policies. The goal of the current article is to explore how German citizens construct their national identity against this backdrop. Using an inductive approach, we asked 987 German citizens to describe what being German means for them. A latent class analysis of content-coded responses revealed four classes: a heritage-based identity class with a strong focus on language and culture (39%), an ideology-based identity class that revolves around democracy, welfare, freedom, and economy and safety (19%), a legal-formalistic identity class that is mostly concerned with the legal requirement for obtaining and holding citizenship of national identity (26%), and a trait-based identity class describing personality-traits that are supposed to be typical for Germans (16%). These findings expand upon and add nuance to the commonly used civic vs. ethnic national identity content typology. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Germany is often cited as a paradigmatic case for an ethnic model of nationalism but in recent years introduced many civic elements into its citizenship policies. The goal of the current article is to explore how German citizens construct their national identity against this backdrop. Using an inductive approach, we asked 987 German citizens to describe what being German means for them. A latent class analysis of content-coded responses revealed four classes: a heritage-based identity class with a strong focus on language and culture (39%), an ideology-based identity class that revolves around democracy, welfare, freedom, and economy and safety (19%), a legal-formalistic identity class that is mostly concerned with the legal requirement for obtaining and holding citizenship of national identity (26%), and a trait-based identity class describing personality-traits that are supposed to be typical for Germans (16%). These findings expand upon and add nuance to the commonly used civic vs. ethnic national identity content typology.

Abstract
We study how an intervention combining youth intergroup contact and sports affects intergroup relations in the context of an active conflict. We first conduct a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of one-year program exposure in Israel. To track effects of a multiyear exposure, we then use machine-learning techniques to fuse the RCT with the observational data gathered on multiyear participants. This analytical approach can help overcome frequent limitations of RCTs, such as modest sample sizes and short observation periods. Our evidence cannot affirm a one-year effect on outgroup regard and ingroup regulation, although we estimate benefits of multiyear exposure among Jewish-Israeli youth, particularly boys. We discuss implications for interventions in contexts of active conflict and group status asymmetry.

How might interventions that engage ordinary citizens in settings of violent conflict affect broader conflict dynamics? Given the volume of resources committed every year to citizen‐oriented programs that attempt to promote peace, this is an important question. We develop a framework to analyze processes through which individual‐level interventions could mitigate violent conflict escalation more broadly. Individual‐level interventions may increase positive feelings toward the outgroup, as well as psychological, social, and material resources among participants. These have the potential to influence behaviors such as policing of the ingroup, public advocacy, and political action that can contribute to peace. Yet, the effectiveness of interventions to influence the conflict is moderated by contextual factors like groups' access to material resources, their positions in society, and political institutions. We use this analytical framework to assess evidence from recent intervention studies. We find that the current evidence base is quite small, does not cover the diversity of relevant contexts, and gives too little attention to resources and capacities that enable people to engage in conflict mitigation behaviors. Researchers and policy makers should go beyond thinking only about improving attitudes to thinking about behavior, resources, and capacities for such behaviors, and contextual conditions that constrain behavior.

The City of New Haven, CT, sought to promote the assimilation of its immigrants by becoming the first American city to provide a government-backed ID, the Elm City Resident Card, to all residents. This article tests the policy's effectiveness in commerce. We find that Hispanics/Latinos are asked to present an ID more than Whites/Anglos, showing that the former are in greater need of documentation, regardless of their citizenship status. When a Hispanic/Latino presented the Elm City Resident Card to a cashier, it fared only as well as an unofficial ID. Thus, we conclude that the card has negligible utility as a form of documentation.