Suchergebnisse

Rural business owners in Alberta are often described as independent minded entrepreneurs. The reality is that they do engage in social networking. This project focussed upon the social networks that help rural business owners access markets beyond their local area. The data were provided by the self-employed business owners who engaged in specialized agricultural and non-agricultural business operations in the geographic area defined by the East Parklands Community and Business Development Corporation headquartered at Mirror, Alberta. Six networks are examined: intimate, friendship, broker, professional, governmental and volunteer. The results suggest that owners rely upon their intimate networks for practical and emotional support. The professional networks neither encourage nor discourage the business activity, while the governmental networks are not accessed to their full advantage. Associational networks provide information to the business owners through journals, magazines and publications. Rural business owners belong to these volunteer networks, but often are not active participants. The structure of the networks suggests that the non-agricultural owners are moving away from the gemeinschaft-like strong bonds of the intimate and friendship networks. They are developing what are called \"weak-ties\" with broker and specialized networks that include trade shows, producers or similar products or through the conferences. Agricultural owners, however, are continuing their strong relationships within the friendship networks to develop and sell their product. These networks provide fewer opportunities for market expansion than do the broker-type networks.

Rural business owners in Alberta are often described as independent minded entrepreneurs. The reality is that they do engage in social networking. This project focussed upon the social networks that help rural business owners access markets beyond their local area. The data were provided by the self-employed business owners who engaged in specialized agricultural and non-agricultural business operations in the geographic area defined by the East Parklands Community and Business Development Corporation headquartered at Mirror, Alberta. Six networks are examined: intimate, friendship, broker, professional, governmental and volunteer. The results suggest that owners rely upon their intimate networks for practical and emotional support. The professional networks neither encourage nor discourage the business activity, while the governmental networks are not accessed to their full advantage. Associational networks provide information to the business owners through journals, magazines and publications. Rural business owners belong to these volunteer networks, but often are not active participants. The structure of the networks suggests that the non-agricultural owners are moving away from the gemeinschaft-like strong bonds of the intimate and friendship networks. They are developing what are called \"weak-ties\" with broker and specialized networks that include trade shows, producers or similar products or through the conferences. Agricultural owners, however, are continuing their strong relationships within the friendship networks to develop and sell their product. These networks provide fewer opportunities for market expansion than do the broker-type networks.

In the process of social change communities are impacted by internal and external forces which may threaten their existence as social entities. In an attempt to understand these processes much of the research into community attachment has focused on the relationship between social bonds and local sentiments in urban communities. Goudy (1990) used these variables and examined community attachment in relation to 27 communities in rural Iowa. His findings suggested that the prevalent model for community attachment, the systemic model, was also applicable to rural communities. Iowa data suggested that survival of the rural community as a social entity was dependent on residential stability and the existence of social bonds in the community. Implicit in this is that disruptions to a community due to sudden population change pose a temporary threat to the local social structure. Following a period of social disruption a new social structure evolves which includes both long-term residents and newcomers. This research examines social bonds and local sentiments in a small, rural community located in south central Alberta ten years after a boom in its population occurred. The case differs from other research on boomtowns for several reasons. The first is that Vegreville is located within commuting distance (90 km) of the provincial capital of Edmonton, on a major divided highway. Secondly, population growth was stimulated by the establishment of a government research facility which brought highly skilled new residents into a small town which had served predominantly as a retirement community for agricultural people from the surrounding rural areas. The circumstances provided an opportunity to examine the long-term effects of a large scale in-migration on a small community with respect to social bonds and local sentiments.

Interest in the subject of social integration or urban migrants into rural communities developed as a result of the so called 'population turn around' phenomenon observed by rural sociologists in the 1970's. The focus of much of this research related to the direction of migration and factors associated with residential preference. Some of this research (Glasgow & Sofranko, 1980; Goudy, 1990; Reiger & Beegle, 1974; Stinner et al. 1990) examined the temporal aspects of relocation and social integration of the migrant in the new community. This issue has become increasingly important in the 1990's as businesses and government agencies explore the economic advantages of relocating their staff in small communities. Vegreville, Alberta provided a case where the decentralization of a government facility (Alberta Environmental Research Centre) initiated a sudden influx of newcomers with the potential of a disruption of established institutions and the social structures in the community. The purpose of this research is to examine the process by which new residents integrated into the social structure of Vegreville.

In the process of social change communities are impacted by internal and external forces which may threaten their existence as social entities. In an attempt to understand these processes much of the research into community attachment has focused on the relationship between social bonds and local sentiments in urban communities. Goudy (1990) used these variables and examined community attachment in relation to 27 communities in rural Iowa. His findings suggested that the prevalent model for community attachment, the systemic model, was also applicable to rural communities. Iowa data suggested that survival of the rural community as a social entity was dependent on residential stability and the existence of social bonds in the community. Implicit in this is that disruptions to a community due to sudden population change pose a temporary threat to the local social structure. Following a period of social disruption a new social structure evolves which includes both long-term residents and newcomers. This research examines social bonds and local sentiments in a small, rural community located in south central Alberta ten years after a boom in its population occurred. The case differs from other research on boomtowns for several reasons. The first is that Vegreville is located within commuting distance (90 km) of the provincial capital of Edmonton, on a major divided highway. Secondly, population growth was stimulated by the establishment of a government research facility which brought highly skilled new residents into a small town which had served predominantly as a retirement community for agricultural people from the surrounding rural areas. The circumstances provided an opportunity to examine the long-term effects of a large scale in-migration on a small community with respect to social bonds and local sentiments.

Interest in the subject of social integration or urban migrants into rural communities developed as a result of the so called 'population turn around' phenomenon observed by rural sociologists in the 1970's. The focus of much of this research related to the direction of migration and factors associated with residential preference. Some of this research (Glasgow & Sofranko, 1980; Goudy, 1990; Reiger & Beegle, 1974; Stinner et al. 1990) examined the temporal aspects of relocation and social integration of the migrant in the new community. This issue has become increasingly important in the 1990's as businesses and government agencies explore the economic advantages of relocating their staff in small communities. Vegreville, Alberta provided a case where the decentralization of a government facility (Alberta Environmental Research Centre) initiated a sudden influx of newcomers with the potential of a disruption of established institutions and the social structures in the community. The purpose of this research is to examine the process by which new residents integrated into the social structure of Vegreville.

A central role of the farm operator, and one that determines the ability of the operator to cope with uncertainty, is the making of decisions. The situations which necessitate decisions on the farm are complicated by the dual nature of the farm household which encompasses two separate, yet inextricably linked, entities: the farm firm and the farm family. Farm decision makers must consider the multitude of complex factors which have an impact on both of these entities. In addition, the decision makers must also contemplate the needs of both the farm firm and the farm family, which are often in competition with each other for scarce resources. The role of a farm decision maker is especially important in conditions of instability such as are currently being experienced by farmers in Alberta as a result of markets, prices, changing government policy for agriculture and the economic climate in Alberta in general. The farm operator, faced with making important financial decisions in a time of economic instability, is more likely to experience financial stress than he/she would in a more stable time. Literature published by government and university research groups often address the farm manger, or 'business farmer,' who views the farm as a business enterprise and makes decisions according to strict business principles. The opposite stereotype, that of a 'life-style farmer' who enjoys farming as an occupation and a way of life, is hardly addressed. In reality, these stereotypes do not exist. Business-oriented farm operators are not solely influenced in their farm decisions by economic factors. Neither is the social farmer motivated by seemingly non-economic criteria alone. Instead, there are many factors which simultaneously influence farm operators, and this combination of factors affects the outcome of the decision-making process. This study aims to discover these factors of diverse nature.

A central role of the farm operator, and one that determines the ability of the operator to cope with uncertainty, is the making of decisions. The situations which necessitate decisions on the farm are complicated by the dual nature of the farm household which encompasses two separate, yet inextricably linked, entities: the farm firm and the farm family. Farm decision makers must consider the multitude of complex factors which have an impact on both of these entities. In addition, the decision makers must also contemplate the needs of both the farm firm and the farm family, which are often in competition with each other for scarce resources. The role of a farm decision maker is especially important in conditions of instability such as are currently being experienced by farmers in Alberta as a result of markets, prices, changing government policy for agriculture and the economic climate in Alberta in general. The farm operator, faced with making important financial decisions in a time of economic instability, is more likely to experience financial stress than he/she would in a more stable time. Literature published by government and university research groups often address the farm manger, or 'business farmer,' who views the farm as a business enterprise and makes decisions according to strict business principles. The opposite stereotype, that of a 'life-style farmer' who enjoys farming as an occupation and a way of life, is hardly addressed. In reality, these stereotypes do not exist. Business-oriented farm operators are not solely influenced in their farm decisions by economic factors. Neither is the social farmer motivated by seemingly non-economic criteria alone. Instead, there are many factors which simultaneously influence farm operators, and this combination of factors affects the outcome of the decision-making process. This study aims to discover these factors of diverse nature.