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The article is devoted to the results of the development of a sociological test "GSR-5", designed to measure general attitudes towards the welfare state. A theoretical analysis of the measurement of attitudes towards the welfare state in modern Western societies has been carried out. It is concluded that the entire set of relevant studies can be divided into two categories - a priori (transition from the concept to existing measurements) and a posteriori (focusing on the existing experience of empirical research). At the same time, insufficient attention was revealed to general attitudes towards the state (as a background or stereotypical attitude). The sociological test is proposed based on five indicators in relation to the state: assessment of effectiveness, assessment of the future, assessment of living conditions, assessment of historical achievements and assessment of current events. For the purpose of further empirical validation, the sociological test was included in four large-scale cross-sectional studies using different methods (CAWI, F2F, self-completion, CATI). Based on the obtained results, the factor, criterion and construct validity of the test was checked. The ideal types approach was used to categorize respondents' attitudes based on their individual responses. As a result, 5 social groups were identified in terms of their attitude to their own state: expressively negative, moderately negative, intermediate, moderately positive and expressively positive. In general, based on the analysis, a conclusion was made about the possibility of using the sociological test "GSR-5" in sociological research.

The article examines the changes in the geopolitical orientations of Ukraine's population towards to European Union and Russian Federation in 2018-2020. The analysis is based on five representative surveys of the Ukraine's population. Geopolitical orientations were measured with sociological tests "EU-geopol" and "RF-geopol". Also, based on the results of the 2020 survey, geopolitical orientations towards to the Baltic Assembly, V4, USA, GUAM and Turkey were additionally analyzed. This made it possible to compose a portrait of geopolitical openness / closeness from the point of view of a multi-vector geopolitical model. Obtained results allow us to draw a conclusion about the stable and dynamic aspects of the geopolitical orientations of Ukraine's population. Dynamic aspect is the gradual improvement of geopolitical orientations towards to European Union. So, in the period from 2018 to 2020, additive index of the sociological test "EU-geopol" increased from –0.1 to 0.7 (the range of possible values for both tests is from –4 to 4). A stable aspect is constant negative geopolitical orientations towards to Russian Federation. The value of additive index of sociological test "RF-geopol" varied in the range from –2.0 to –1.7. It has been established that from the regional point of view, Ukraine is conditionally divided into two large zones: 1) Western and Central regions, characterized by a pro-Western and anti-Russian position; 2) Southern and Eastern regions, as well as Donbass, characterized by mixed views on issues of geopolitical cooperation. In terms of electoral preferences, respondents from all political forces, except for the For Life Opposition Platform, are oriented toward cooperation with European Union and against cooperation with Russian Federation. It is concluded that it is necessary to conduct additional detailed sociological research in the South-East of Ukraine in order to focus on the problem of geopolitical orientations. The corresponding results will make it possible to form adequate principles of information work and implementation of Western partnership programs in the specified region.

This article is devoted to the three factors of satisfaction by presidential power in Ukraine–namely, the expectation refutation (comparison of expectations and actual performance) and political position of the respondents. As the theoretical basis for the study is used a model of R. Oliver and empirical analysis carried out using multivariate regression equations.

This article presents the results of constructing and validating the "Normless anomie index" (NLAI) sociological test, designed to measure the level of anomie among Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking respondents. The theoretical validity of NLAI is based on an understanding of anomie that was proposed and detailed in the works of R. Merton. The content of the index is based on normless indicators presented in the articles of D. Dean, G. McCloskey and J. Shaar, as well as indicators presented in this article. The study is based on data from two surveys (November 2018, N = 600; April 2019, N = 600), which represent the adult population of Ukraine according to such parameters as age, gender, type of settlement and region of residence. For the purpose of empirical validation, the factor structure of the theoretical construct was analyzed (exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis) and construct validity was confirmed based on indicators that describe respondents' political consciousness and their social well-being (correlation analysis). Three versions of NLAI were tested: 1) based on indicators claiming the existence of norms, as well as based on indicators claiming the opposite (survey conducted in 2018); 2) based on indicators claiming only the absence of norms, with more specific wording (survey conducted in 2019); 3) based on indicators claiming only the absence of norms, with more abstract wording (survey conducted in 2019). A conclusion is made about the higher quality of the second version of NLAI.
A classifier of answers to the NLAI indicators is proposed, which allows for categorizing respondents into four groups: anomic (predominance of answers which indicate the absence of norms), ambivalent (there are answers indicating both the absence of norms and their presence), undefined (answers prevail which indicate the absence of a clear position) and non-anomic (prevailing answers indicating the presence of norms).

The article offers a rare systematic analysis of political attitudes in societies experiencing massive military invasions using statistical analysis of two original surveys conducted by the Ukraine National Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology — a panel survey tracking the same respondents in three waves (N = 329, November 2021, June-July 2022, and June 2023) and an additional larger survey (N = 869, June 2023). Despite devastating suffering, Ukrainians' support for democracy as a political system and for freedom of speech have stayed remarkably resilient over this time period. Cross-sectional (multiple ordinary least squares regression) and longitudinal (linear mixed-effects model regression) tests, as well as supplementary focus group conversations in all of Ukraine's macro-regions, show that this democratic resilience is grounded in the victory-in-freedom synergy — a widespread sense of shared sacrifice that drives determination to win the war and restore Ukraine's territorial integrity. In particular, we found a clearer understanding of the importance of political freedoms and fighting for victory among individuals who experienced loss and trauma and a strong appreciation across Ukraine's society that victory is vital to preserve democracy. Survey data also demonstrates that democracy support has become more intrinsic to Ukrainian national identity and that the initial surge of democracy support among Ukrainians in the face of Russia's invasion has been more than a short-term rallying-round-the-flag. In combination, these factors explain the Ukrainians' sustained, spirited resilience in the face Russia's mass savage invasion over more than a two-year period. Moreover, support for democratic ideals doesn't mean Ukrainians write a blank check of trust to their government. Longitudinal analysis indicates that as the war progressed, and hardship persisted respondents held their democratic institutions accountable. At the same time, the results of our study indicate that sustaining this resilience would require not only battlefield successes, but also accountable governance, countering Russia's media impacts, and sustaining family incomes. Our findings contribute to the literature on war and democracy by showing the importance of considering both the external context (war duration and impacts and the aggressor state type) and the mobilization of national identity in the face of aggression.

We examine why public support for democracy in Ukraine increased after Russia's 2014 intervention and surged after Russia's 2022 invasion—despite concerns that the wartime quest for security would diminish support for political freedoms. We statistically analyze original data generated as part of annual opinion surveys by the Institute of Sociology at Ukraine's National Academy of Sciences in 2017 (N = 2,199), 2018 (N = 1,800), and a 2021–22 panel survey with the same respondents (N = 475) interviewed before and after Russia's invasion. Our findings indicate that wartime support for democracy is in significant respects geosocietal—arising from the mobilization of civic national identity conditioned by salient geopolitical threats. Civic pride, attribution of threat to an external authoritarian aggressor, and war onset were the strongest and most robust predictors of multiple democracy support indicators, overriding personal loss and stress. The findings call for more attention to the interaction of geopolitical and social contexts shaping political attitudes, with implications for democratic futures globally.

Article investigates the place of self-realization as individual value among factors of individual human life, including other individual values. The conceptualization of individual value of self-realization is offered, proceeding from psychological and sociological ways of its understanding. The empirical part of the article is based on the results of two online surveys. The first was held in March 2020 among students of Taras Shevchenko National University (N = 417), the second — among residents of Kyiv region in June and July 2021 (N = 728). The sociological test "Individual values and interests — 13" was used as a method of measuring individual values. For statistical analysis, the Condorcet method was used (to identify the aggregate value rating), the 2 independence criterion (for analyzing relationships with external factors), and the Z-test for one sample applied to simulated data (for analyzing relationships with other values). Authors revealed the inequality of self-realization positions in the aggregate rating of individual values for students of Taras Shevchenko National University and residents of Kyiv region was. The relationship of self-realization importance level and gender, marital status, relative financial deprivation and the experience of management was established. There is also direct relationship with the value of knowledge, and inverse relationship with the values of home comfort, physical health and psychological comfort.

The article is devoted to empirical verification of theories of institutional-ism of rational choice and cultural modernization in part of explanation of process of democratization by them.
At the same time statistical analysis is carried out at the country level, rather than respondents. As an empirical base are used statistical data of UNDP, expert opinions of Freedom House and the results of Global Values survey.

This article is dedicated to examining the phenomenon of interpersonal political and psychological tension, as well as its measurement in the context of individual hostility and interpersonal sensitivity. The concept of social or interpersonal stress, which is generic in relation to interpersonal political and psychological tension, is analyzed. The article identifies the fragmentation of the field of relevant research, as well as a lack of the standardized sociological tools necessary to study the phenomenon of interpersonal political and psychological tension. The results of three validation studies aimed at developing the sociological test "Interpersonal Political and Psychological Tension" are described. An assessment is made of such parameters of the tool as the distribution of its total values, factor and construct validity, intergroup differences. The first study was a nationwide survey conducted in September 2019 (N = 600). The second study was an online survey conducted in September 2019 (N = 475). The third study was a nationwide survey conducted in February 2020 (N = 2038). A test variant was identified which provides the best results when used in mass surveys. Two patterns of the test's factorial structure are revealed, one of which is semantic, and the second being methodological in nature. Moreover, in both cases, high indices of factor validity were recorded. In the framework of construct validation, the test indicators appear to be loosely linked to the elements of the nomological network of political culture associated with attitudes. At the same time, a closer connection was observed to behavioral variables which describe individual aspects of everyday political activity. The following conclusions are made: 1) the test for measuring interpersonal political and psychological tension shows acceptable indices of factor and structural validity; 2) the study of the socio-psychological characteristics of political processes appears to be a promising area for further research using the test; 3) the specific composition of this test in the framework of public surveys is crucial for the reliability of its results when using personal interviews.

The purpose of this article is to present contributions to the development and testing of sociological tools to study processes of adaptation, inclusion and identities change during periods of large-scale migration triggered by armed conflict. The contribution also implies identifying in the pilot survey opportunities and limitations of these tools. Theories explaining adaptation, social inclusion and identities change were validated in previous works by Nataliia Panina, Yevhen Golovakha and Kateryna Ivaschenko. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) as a group resulting from the combat in Donbas were the target group of the pilot survey. The survey was implemented online and contained sets of questions on identity, social inclusion, adaptation (and problems related to it), social well-being and psychological distress. To verify whether the respondent belongs to the target group some factual and sociodemographic questions were also included. Data were collected using Lime survey web application. The majority of survey forms were submitted via Facebook or via website of Ukrainian Association of Displaced Persons. Factor validity was tested using confirmatory factor analysis based on Diagonally Weighted Least Squares method. For construct validation, the Index of Psychological Distress SCL-9-NR and the Integral Index of Social Well-Being (IISW-20) were used. As a result of testing, it was confirmed that measurement methodologies of social adaptation and identity change satisfy the requirements of factor and construct validity, and thus could be used to study specifics of adaptation and identification of migrants. The same conclusion was made regarding the methodology of passive inclusion. Scale of active inclusion has not shown evidence for construct validity which means that it should be substantially changed basing on the results of the pilot survey.