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AbstractDespite the need for profound systemic change to deal with environmental issues, this is not happening. At a psycho‐sociological level, System Justification Theory has mostly explained environmental inaction by greater environmental denial on the part of individuals motivated to justify the economic system. In this article, and in line with research in political science and sociology, we propose to also take into account the existence of different beliefs concerning the social change needed to deal with environmental problems. While some do advocate for profound transformations of current socio‐economic systems, others propose to maintain and adapt them. Moreover, these beliefs have different implications in terms of the pro‐environmental behaviors (PEBs) to be adopted by individuals. We therefore hypothesized that, independently of environmental denial, individuals who justify the economic system would adhere more to adaptation beliefs (e.g., individualization of responsibility) and reject transformation beliefs (e.g., incompatibility between economic growth and environmental preservation); and that these beliefs would mediate the effects of system‐justification on PEBs depending on whether or not they challenge the economic system. A correlational study (N = 277) corroborated our hypotheses. The importance of taking into account the system‐challenging (or not) nature of some pro‐environmental beliefs and behaviors is discussed.

International audience ; As a new, complex and controversial object, we studied the Universal Basic Income (UBI) through the Theory of Social Representations (TSR). Our study aimed to explore the representational field spontaneously associated with the UBI in a French sample and how it was structured according to the participants' political and ideological anchors. Our results showed that the UBI was represented through analogies with the existing social minima, beliefs and values suggesting societal progress but also a fear of a weakening of the capitalist economic order. Moreover, splitting our sample based on the political orientation of the participants, we verified that they seemed to represent the UBI based on principles specific to their ideological traditions. The potentially polemical character of the socio-representational construction of the UBI and its potential implications in terms of maintaining or challenging the social order are therefore discussed.

International audience ; As a new, complex and controversial object, we studied the Universal Basic Income (UBI) through the Theory of Social Representations (TSR). Our study aimed to explore the representational field spontaneously associated with the UBI in a French sample and how it was structured according to the participants' political and ideological anchors. Our results showed that the UBI was represented through analogies with the existing social minima, beliefs and values suggesting societal progress but also a fear of a weakening of the capitalist economic order. Moreover, splitting our sample based on the political orientation of the participants, we verified that they seemed to represent the UBI based on principles specific to their ideological traditions. The potentially polemical character of the socio-representational construction of the UBI and its potential implications in terms of maintaining or challenging the social order are therefore discussed.

International audience ; As a new, complex and controversial object, we studied the Universal Basic Income (UBI) through the Theory of Social Representations (TSR). Our study aimed to explore the representational field spontaneously associated with the UBI in a French sample and how it was structured according to the participants' political and ideological anchors. Our results showed that the UBI was represented through analogies with the existing social minima, beliefs and values suggesting societal progress but also a fear of a weakening of the capitalist economic order. Moreover, splitting our sample based on the political orientation of the participants, we verified that they seemed to represent the UBI based on principles specific to their ideological traditions. The potentially polemical character of the socio-representational construction of the UBI and its potential implications in terms of maintaining or challenging the social order are therefore discussed.

International audience ; As a new, complex and controversial object, we studied the Universal Basic Income (UBI) through the Theory of Social Representations (TSR). Our study aimed to explore the representational field spontaneously associated with the UBI in a French sample and how it was structured according to the participants' political and ideological anchors. Our results showed that the UBI was represented through analogies with the existing social minima, beliefs and values suggesting societal progress but also a fear of a weakening of the capitalist economic order. Moreover, splitting our sample based on the political orientation of the participants, we verified that they seemed to represent the UBI based on principles specific to their ideological traditions. The potentially polemical character of the socio-representational construction of the UBI and its potential implications in terms of maintaining or challenging the social order are therefore discussed.

AbstractIn two experiments replicating an online shopping context, we studied the effectiveness of two traffic‐light carbon labeling systems that differ according to the set of reference with which product comparisons are made. While the inter‐category system allows consumers to compare all food products to each other, the intra‐category system only allows consumers to compare products within the same food category. We also examined whether providing a descriptive social norm cue could increase theirs effects. The impact of the labels was studied on: (1) the frequency of low/medium/high carbon impact products purchased, (2) the carbon footprint of consumers' baskets. Study 1, conducted on university students (n = 228), showed that both carbon labeling systems tested had beneficial effects on consumers' behaviors and carbon footprint. Study 2 (n = 260) on a general population sample, which was less responsive to carbon labels, showed that the addition of a descriptive social norm cue enhanced the labels' effectiveness. Overall, the intra‐category traffic‐light labeling system shifted purchasing the most.

The United Nation's 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) offer an extensive framework for coordinating and shaping government policies, and for engaging the public with sustainability. Public understanding of the SDGs and sustainability can influence this engagement, as people are more likely to accept and share information consistent with their own understanding. We identify public understandings of SDGs through mental maps of how people relate the SDGs to environmental, social and economic sustainability. Using responses from 12 developed/developing countries (n = 2,134), we identified four mental maps that varied mainly on two dimensions, which diverged from some expert models. Some people's mental maps identified tension between achieving environmental versus social sustainability, whereas for others the tension was between economic sustainability and the other two sustainability elements. Some people related different SDGs to each element of sustainability, whereas others saw all SDGs as targeting the same sustainability element(s). These findings highlight opportunities and challenges to engage the public with sustainability more effectively, especially with wide-ranging initiatives such as a Green New Deal. We observed cultural differences but we also identified a dominant mental map across countries that could serve as a default model for communicating sustainability internationally.

Personal and political action on climate change is traditionally thought to be motivated by people accepting its reality and importance. However, convincing the public that climate change is real faces powerful ideological obstacles1, 2, 3, 4, and climate change is slipping in public importance in many countries5, 6. Here we investigate a different approach, identifying whether potential co-benefits of addressing climate change7 could motivate pro-environmental behaviour around the world for both those convinced and unconvinced that climate change is real. We describe an integrated framework for assessing beliefs about co-benefits8, distinguishing social conditions (for example, economic development, reduced pollution or disease) and community character (for example, benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; 6,196 participants) showed that two co-benefit types, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), motivated public, private and financial actions to address climate change to a similar degree as believing climate change is important. Critically, relationships were similar for both convinced and unconvinced participants, showing that co-benefits can motivate action across ideological divides. These relationships were also independent of perceived climate change importance, and could not be explained by political ideology, age, or gender. Communicating co-benefits could motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.

Personal and political action on climate change is traditionally thought to be motivated by people accepting its reality and importance. However, convincing the public that climate change is real faces powerful ideological obstacles(1-4), and climate change is slipping in public importance in many countries(.)(5,6) Here we investigate a different approach, identifying whether potential co-benefits of addressing climate change(7) could motivate pro-environmental behaviour around the world for both those convinced and unconvinced that climate change is real. We describe an integrated framework for assessing beliefs about co-benefits(8), distinguishing social conditions (for example, economic development, reduced pollution or disease) and community character (for example, benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; 6,196 participants) showed that two co-benefit types, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), motivated public, private and financial actions to address climate change to a similar degree as believing climate change is important. Critically, relationships were similar for both convinced and unconvinced participants, showing that co-benefits can motivate action across ideological divides. These relationships were also independent of perceived climate change importance, and could not be explained by political ideology, age, or gender. Communicating co-benefits could motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.