Computational Research in the Post-API Age
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 665-668
ISSN: 1091-7675
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In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 665-668
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Journal of information technology & politics: JITP, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 168-181
ISSN: 1933-169X
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 502-505
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: Policy & internet, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 192-198
ISSN: 1944-2866
This is a response to the article by Ethan Zuckerman "New Media, New Civics?" published in this issue of Policy & Internet (2014: vol. 6, issue 2). Dissatisfaction with existing governments, a broad shift to "post‐representative democracy" and the rise of participatory media are leading toward the visibility of different forms of civic participation. Zuckerman's article offers a framework to describe participatory civics in terms of theories of change used and demands places on the participant, and examines some of the implications of the rise of participatory civics, including the challenges of deliberation in a diverse and competitive digital public sphere. Deen Freelon responds.
In: Journal of broadcasting & electronic media: an official publication of the Broadcast Education Association, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 59-75
ISSN: 1550-6878
In: Political communication, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 502-505
ISSN: 1058-4609
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 17, Heft 5, S. 772-791
ISSN: 1461-7315
Studies of political discussions online have been dominated by approaches that focus exclusively on deliberation, ignoring other equally relevant communication norms. This study conducts a normative assessment of discussion spaces in two prominent web platforms—Twitter hashtags and newspaper comment sections devoted to particular political issues—applying the norms of communitarianism, liberal individualism, and deliberation. The platforms' distinct design features and users' left/right issue stances emerge as significant predictors of normative differences.
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 145-156
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: American behavioral scientist: ABS, Band 57, Heft 7, S. 843-847
ISSN: 1552-3381
In: American behavioral scientist: ABS, Band 57, Heft 7, S. 843-847
ISSN: 0002-7642
In: Democratization, Band 24, Heft 6, S. 1159-1177
ISSN: 1743-890X
World Affairs Online
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 990-1011
ISSN: 1461-7315
The exercise of power has been an implicit theme in research on the use of social media for political protest, but few studies have attempted to measure social media power and its consequences directly. This study develops and measures three theoretically grounded metrics of social media power—unity, numbers, and commitment—as wielded on Twitter by a social movement (Black Lives Matter [BLM]), a counter-movement (political conservatives), and an unaligned party (mainstream news outlets) over nearly 10 months. We find evidence of a model of social media efficacy in which BLM predicts mainstream news coverage of police brutality, which in turn is the strongest driver of attention to the issue from political elites. Critically, the metric that best predicts elite response across all parties is commitment.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 659, Heft 1, S. 166-179
ISSN: 1552-3349
Theorists have long predicted that like-minded individuals will tend to use social media to self-segregate into enclaves and that this tendency toward homophily will increase over time. Many studies have found moment-in-time evidence of network homophily, but very few have been able to directly measure longitudinal changes in the diversity of social media users' habits. This is due in part to a lack of appropriate tools and methods for such investigations. This study takes a step toward developing those methods. Drawing on the complete historical record of public retweets posted between January 2011 and August 2013, we propose and justify a partial method of measuring increases or decreases in network homophily. We demonstrate that Twitter network communities that focused on Syria are in general highly fragmented and homophilous; however, only one of the nine detected network communities that persisted over time exhibited a clear increase in homophily.
In: Research & politics: R&P, Band 1, Heft 3
ISSN: 2053-1680
How did Syria's conflict interact with the broader wave of regional protest known as the Arab Spring? This article uses a unique, complete Twitter dataset of tweets including the word "Syria" in English or Arabic to empirically test how Syria's conflict was discussed online. The analysis shows a high level of interaction between Syria and other Arab countries through 2011. Other Arab countries experiencing popular protests ("Arab Spring countries") were referenced far more often in 2011 than were Syria's immediate neighbors, while keyword analysis shows the framing of the conflict in terms of Syria's "regime" aligned the conflict with other Arab uprisings. In 2012–2013 this changed sharply, with significantly fewer mentions of other Arab countries, particularly Arab Spring countries, more fundraising and political appeals across the Gulf, and growing Islamization. These findings offer one of the first empirical demonstrations of the integration and disintegration of a unified Arab discourse from 2011 to 2013, with significant implications for theories of the diffusion of protest and ideas.