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Cultural Genocide establishes a theoretical basis for understanding why groups can be readily brought to seek the elimination of out-groups using the tactic of cultural destruction. Lawrence Davidson applies his theory to four uses of cultural genocide, with two pre-Holocaust case studies and two post-Holocaust case studies. He examines the mechanisms that may be used to combat today's cultural genocide as well as the contemporary social and political forces at work that must be overcome in the process.

Annotation Most scholars of genocide focus on mass murder. Lawrence Davidson, by contrast, explores the murder of culture. He suggests that when people have limited knowledge of the culture outside of their own group, they are unable to accurately assess the alleged threat of others around them. Throughout history, dominant populations have often dealt with these fears through mass murder. However, the shock of the Holocaust now deters todays great powers from the practice of physical genocide. Majority populations, cognizant of outside pressure and knowing that they should not resort to mass murder, have turned instead to cultural genocide as a second best politically determined substitute for physical genocide. InCultural Genocide, this theory is applied to events in four settings, two events that preceded the Holocaust and two events that followed it: the destruction of American Indians by uninformed settlers who viewed these natives as inferior and were more intent on removing them from the frontier than annihilating them; the attack on the culture of Eastern European Jews living within Russian-controlled areas before the Holocaust; the Israeli attack on Palestinian culture; and the absorption of Tibet by the Peoples Republic of China. In conclusion, Davidson examines the mechanisms that may be used to combat todays cultural genocide as well as the contemporary social and political forces at work that must be overcome in the process

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Elected officials, and especially presidential candidates, increasingly are asked to define their relationships to special interest groups. Such special, or private, interests play a disproportionate role in politics and legislation, whether in the form of large commercial or ethnic lobbies or in the shadowy realm of backroom dealmaking. In Foreign Policy, Inc.: Privatizing America's National Interest, Lawrence Davidson argues that widespread public disinterest in global affairs, a prevailing characteristic of American political culture, has given private interest groups a paramount influence

The so-called 'new anti-Semitism' is an artificial construct created by Israel to counter growing popular opposition to its own racist policies. Loss of popular support means Israeli influence has been largely restricted to governing circles vulnerable to Zionist lobby pressure. The appearance of the new anti-Semitism has also created a tragic paradox particularly for Jews who believe in tolerance, diversity and human rights. For, if one accepts the precepts of the new anti-Semitism, to stand against Israeli racist policies and practices, you yourself must be deemed racist. In turn, the paradox has created an existential crisis of conscience for Jews worldwide.

This essay looks at the 2012 Republican primaries through the lens of "localism" and how candidates and lobbies manipulate for their own purposes the ignorance of their voting constituencies on issues not relevant to their everyday lives. After a discussion of the wider process, the piece focuses on the eight leading candidates in the presidential primary race with regard to Israel and Palestine, with an overview of their positions and advisers. It ends with some reflections on the consequences of the peculiarly American mix of localism, national politics, and special interest groups.

The phenomenon of Islamophobia has now surfaced as a factor in American politics. While disturbing and damaging of people's lives and reputations, the phenomenon is not unique. It can be seen as but the latest eruption of paranoid political thinking that periodically arises in American history. In turn, seeing the fate of the nation threatened by conspiracies and anti-American elements is made easier and more destructive by high levels of ignorance and insularity among large numbers of Americans. This latest round of paranoid politics, coming now in the form of Islamophobia, was triggered by the attacks of 11 September 2001 and quickly exacerbated by American Zionist groups, both Jewish and Christian, whose dislike of Muslims also has a long history.

Harry S. Truman was a temperamental and politically ambitious man. Both his sensitivities and ambition influenced his actions during his presidency. This was particularly the case when it came to Palestine because there existed a strong domestic Zionist lobby that played to Truman's wants and needs in order to influence his decision making. This article examines that process of policy formulation and shows how personality played into the president's behavior in ways that allowed the Zionist lobby to accomplish its ends. Though Truman's actions can be seen as a product of his personal sensitivities, his prioritizing of domestic political ambitions with regard to policy on Palestine set a harmful precedent for the future.