Suchergebnisse

The 2008 economic crisis created an opportunity for radical-left parties, the most consistent critics of neoliberalism. While some populist parties break through, other left parties did not take advantage of the opportunities created. There are two main arguments in this article. First, left-wing populists were more successful since they adjusted to the dynamics of the class struggle and to the requirements of mobilizing diffused frustrations. The class struggle is split between a union-based struggle, and a non-union-based one, the latter becoming more central in recent decades. It is composed of spontaneous bursts of protest not leading to the building of organized power, making it much harder to stably harness by left parties compared with past union-based struggles. Non-union-based class struggles open a cycle that can be taken advantage of by left parties that conform to its logic and are in a strong enough party system position, as did Syriza and Podemos. Second, left-wing populists nevertheless reached an impasse, since they could unite the left voters' bloc only under unique conditions. Labor market 'outsiders', more precarious, educated and urban youth were at the core of last decades' protest movements and radical-left parties' electoral surges. Labor market 'insiders', non-precarious and relatively economically secure left voters who opted for the left-wing populist option only as a last resort. Populist radical-left parties could not unite the popular bloc entirely, as significant parts of the working class were less accessible to them. Furthermore, populist radical-left parties did not contribute to the building of mass subaltern organizations, leaving little organized heritage. Since populism is more in tune with the dominant form of class struggle, radical-left parties should embrace it, but due to its limitations, it has to be complemented with 'class-for-itself' political methods.

The study on oil exploitation and constitutional protection of the environment in Chad aims to show that despite the constitutional consideration of fundamental rights to the environment, environmental protection remains problematic. This is because the constitutional texts of protections are often ambiguous, incomplete, scattered and derisory. Also, the fact that environmental law is part of the rights-claims which in general are only addressed to the attention of the public authorities, poses a real problem as to its justiciability. Therefore, the right to the environment does not enjoy the same degree of jurisdictional protection as other rights. As a result, they often have no direct effect. Thus, in the oil exploitation framework, the environmental protection offered by the Chadian constitution, could only be insufficient except recourse to the activation of the ordinary ways of right.

'Diversity' is a dangerous misnomer in the white academe because the idea fails to recognize the politics of Whiteness that structure a spectrum of assimilation academics of colour are positioned by. Taking the title and plotline from the Jacobean masque written by Ben Jonson in 1605, this revisionist play sets out to consider the politics of assimilation academics of colour perform in their daily lives. Drawing on Black liberation and anti-racist literature, the play draws attention to how Black and Brown bodies that are asked to perform and use voice daringly or silence instrumentally to leverage degrees of assimilation into white structures. The play first, questions the ontology of foreignness by reflecting on the colonized history of the Black body becoming assimilated into Whiteness, and second, it provides a counter-narrative to those who experience perpetual exclusion and racism at work while other academics of colour seem to become accepted and even celebrated by white hierarchies.

Jurnal ini berjudul Kiprah Ulama dalam Sejarah Sosial politik Aceh, penulis merasa terinspirasi dengan penelitian ini,karena berdasarkan tinjauan sejarah, para Ulama Aceh merupakan salah satu pilar-pilar penegak kerajaan Aceh Darussalam. Dari masa ke masa sampai saat ini Ulama mempunyai pengaruh yang besar dalam kehidupan sosial politik Masayarakt Aceh, hal ini tidak terlepas dari pengetahuan ilmu agama yang di miliki oleh para Ulama Aceh sehingga dalam kehidupan realitas Sosial masyarakat para Ulama sangat dihormati dan disegani, oleh Masyarakat Mereka seringkali dijadikan sebagai tempat bertanya, berkonsultasi, mencari solusi dan juga nasehat. Untuk memudahkan penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan kajian literatur (library research) dan pendekatan historis.