Suchergebnisse

Since independence, nationalism has been at the front of politics in the Republic of Moldova in the context of a persisting political struggle about the very definition of the Moldovan nation. Looking at campaign video clips produced in 2009 by Moldovan political parties and using a methodology inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis, the article gives a better understanding of nationalism in Moldova nowadays. The article demonstrates that the focus of political parties on the nation is purely symbolic. They adapt their discourse to the context in which they evolve (audience of the videos and targeted voters). Pursuing the objective of gaining or holding on to power, parties construct an ad hoc nation whose content they fill with the needs of the moment, using mirroring arguments to win the elections over competing parties seen as enemies of an endangered country.

According to the last 2004 census, minorities in the Republic of Moldova - Ukrainians, Russians, Gagauz , Bulgarians and Romanians -make up some 24.2% of the population along the Moldovan majority. These minorities live today in a state that can be considered a "nationalizing" state, following the concept proposed by Rogers Brubaker, a state where the authorities are trying to build a nation-state following the classic model of the nineteenth century. In this state, however, several trends can be observed and there is not a fixed definition of what the Moldovan nation is. Generally speaking, Moldovanists insist on a separate nation and people while Romanianists insist on the unity of Moldovans and Romanians. The article examines this civic nation at the discursive level. Following a methodology inspired by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis, speeches by President Vladimir Voronin while he was in power between 2001 and 2009 are analyzed. As his discourse can be seen as belonging to the Moldovanist inclusive tendancy, the aim is primarily to determine which role is played by minorities in these speeches. The speeches are then compared with the speeches by interim President of the Republic of Moldova in 2009-2010, Mihai Ghimpu, representing the opposite Romanianist trend. Continuing the analysis proposed by authors such as Vladimir Solonari and Stefan Ihrig, the article demonstrates that in Moldova, despite the fact that the country is sometimes presented as a model of a civic nation, members of minority groups are considered tolerated "foreigners" and that the Moldovan society in the studied period seemed to be developing, at least discursively, without taking minorities into account.

Le Concours Eurovision de la chanson n'a jamais été étudié en tant que tel mais il permet de mettre en avant de quelle manière se construit le « nous » et l' « autre » dans une nation. À partir de l'exemple de la République de Moldavie, indépendante depuis 1991 et traversée par une lutte permanente quant à la définition de la nation, cet article analyse en suivant une méthode inspirée de l'Analyse critique de Discours appliquée à trois journaux locaux de quelle manière l'Eurovision permet de construire un « nous », un « autre », et finalement une « nation », tout en montrant comment le politique participe à ce processus.

Partie de :Brack, N. Rittelmeyer, Y. S. & Stanculescu, C. (2009). Les élections européennes de 2009 :entre national et européen: Une analyse des campagnes électorales dans 22 Etats membres. (CEVIPOL Working Papers / Cahiers du CEVIPOL No 3). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/fiche/view/2435 ; Le fichier attaché à cette référence, version publiée de l'œuvre, est librement accessible, sans embargo, en accord avec les Editions de l'Université de Bruxelles ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

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Partant d'une série d'entretiens et de focus-groupes effectués à Cahul, troisième ville de la République de Moldavie à la frontière de l'Union européenne, cet article montre que l'émigration est un filtre majeur qui forge la perception des Moldaves de leur réalité. Les auteurs font ressortir la façon dont les discours sur l'émigration s'articulent avec les représentations que les personnes interrogées se font de leur pays et, plus largement, de l'Europe. Leurs expériences d'émigration contribuent aussi à la construction, au niveau collectif, du portrait du « migrant moldave » et permettent, au niveau individuel, à ceux qui sont restés de justifier discursivement leur désir de partir ou de rester.

To legitimize separation from Moldova, Transnistrian elites have been constructing a civic Transnistrian nation, subsuming local ethnic Russian, Ukrainian, and Moldovan identities. This article first identifies changes to the Transnistrian nation-building strategy: from an emphasis on Moldovan nationhood in the early 1990s to oppose "Romanianization" in Chisinau, to Transnistrian nationhood mainly after Moldovanism was adopted in Chisinau in 2001. It then shows how this multiethnic nation is being constructed, with a particular emphasis on the place of Transnistrian Moldovans. While the Moldovan identity category is being institutionalized as a part of the Transnistrian civic nation, its ecological niches are being emptied of Romanian/Bessarabian attributes and invested with Russianness. As a result, "Moldovan" now seems an empty identity category in Transnistria.