Suchergebnisse

AbstractMinoritized mother politicians that include ethnic racialized minority Traveller (an Irish indigenous community), racialized ethnic minority women, and migrant women face considerable disadvantages as workers arising from the intersection of their maternal status, gender, racialized or migrant and class position. The experiences of minoritized mother candidates and politicians in Ireland are viewed through the lens of subjectivities providing insight into how these mother‐workers mediate identities and status positions that place them outside of, or in tension with, a predominantly white masculinist workplace. Empirical data analysis reveals how minoritized mother candidates and politicians respond in strategic ways to forces of subjectivation that may risk affirming idealized motherhood, while obscuring gendered and racialized inequalities in the political workplace. Paradoxically, motherhood seeds political ambition while acting as a material, temporal, and affective constraint, a source of invisible labor and violence in gendered and racialized ways. However, minoritized mothers' presence and representations also offer an important challenge to this white masculinist workplace.

Les acteurs privés (à but lucratif) sont devenus d'importants prestataires de services dans le domaine du care en Irlande, en particulier depuis 2006, lorsque l'État a introduit des changements axés sur le marché dans le financement des soins à domicile. Dans le même temps, une pénurie aiguë de travailleuses, une demande croissante de care et une infrastructure publique de care médiocre signifient que l'Irlande connaît une crise profonde du care , y compris à domicile. Cet article utilise une méthodologie d'analyse critique du discours pour examiner les déclarations publiques et les documents politiques générés par les prestataires privés de soins à domicile entre 2018 et 2023 sur la réforme du soin à domicile. Cette approche a révélé les stratégies discursives utilisées par les prestataires privés de soins à domicile en Irlande pour revendiquer un rôle dans la résolution de la crise et façonner le futur développement du système de soins à domicile. Cette analyse des commentaires des prestataires privés dans les débats politiques et publics révèle les formulations sous-jacentes du problème et les solutions politiques qui visent à résoudre la crise du care à domicile par la consolidation et l'approfondissement de cette marchandisation du care . S'appuyant sur l'analyse du pouvoir commercial des prestataires de soins privés, cette contribution s'inspire des approches féministes et éthiques de la marchandisation du care pour illustrer les éléments idéationnels déployés dans les stratégies discursives visant à positionner les prestataires privés en tant qu'experts et producteurs de connaissances sur les soins. Le Covid-19 a favorisé ces stratégies en fournissant des ressources idéationnelles qui permettent aux prestataires privés d'assumer un rôle dans la résolution des crises, en plaidant pour une augmentation du financement public du care privé. Cela mérite d'être examiné alors que l'État irlandais prépare une réforme des soins à domicile, attendue depuis longtemps, et que les prestataires privés font face aux critiques concernant leurs pratiques en matière d'emploi.

Cet article adopte une perspective politique féministe pour examiner les changements liés au genre dans la mobilisation des syndicats en Irlande. Alors que les syndicats ont bénéficié d'un accès à l'élaboration des politiques dans une forme de partenariat social, de la fin des années 1980 à 2008, ce processus a été aboli par la crise économique et remplacé par des accords de stabilité des salaires publics en période d'austérité. En adoptant une approche d'étude de cas, nous nous intéressons aux campagnes syndicales pour les professions féminisées afin d'examiner comment le genre est utilisé pour mener un travail politique et un travail sur les idées dans les campagnes féminisées. Cette analyse soulève des questions plus larges sur les conséquences du déclin des modèles corporatistes nationaux et la réponse des syndicats, qui se tournent vers des campagnes de "genre" et mobilisent les secteurs professionnels féminisés.

ABSTRACTIdeational and gender discursive approaches are used to examine how implementing actors discursively engage with processes of marketization within home care policy in Ireland. Front line service providers, including private actors, non-profits and migrant care workers' problem representations, solutions and underlying assumptions about what a care market is and should be offer insights into how practical experiences of market mechanisms are perceived to shape policy implementation. A focus on how implementing actors mobilize discursively on home care underlines how implementation should be viewed as a process that continues to be negotiated, often contested or even resisted, as it is implemented. Implementing actors' legitimize, contest and adapt to the marketization of home care in divergent and overlapping ways as discursive agents that mediate between policy design and implementation reproducing in turn gendered and racialized ideas about care and care work.

The European Parliament (EP) is credited as an important actor in improving the rights of women in Ireland. Lacking a power base in national political parties, Irish feminists and European Union (EU) officials, including members of the EP (MEPs), have worked to secure progress on gender equality. This research explores whether, in the contemporary context, Irish female MEPs remain critical actors for women's interests at the EU level. Findings show that although Irish female MEPs have a limited record of involvement with the EP's main site for gender equality, the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality, they do act in a variety of ways on women's interests. These include mobilization on gendered occupational roles and traditionally gendered areas such as care work, child poverty, and issues constructed as affecting women outside the EU. Irish female MEPs also facilitate forms of supranational lobbying in their support of EU-level advocacy for domestic gendered civil society and campaign groups. However, ideology and party political discipline, the pull toward local and national interests, and an absence of strong feminist agency work to diminish opportunities for female MEPs to act as critical actors and deliver critical acts on women's interests.

The Platform of European Social Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) is a coalition of 39 local, national, & international organizations working on social justice, homelessness, health, & racism issues in the European sphere. Platform members share a commitment to a broad social rights agenda within European integration, target similar national & European entities, & strive to contain neoliberal market forces. The Platform allows the disparate groups to exercise more influence of European Union policy than they could individually, but managing their differences is a challenge for their leaders. Conflicts arising within this coalition, such as formalizing the coalition legally & advancing a common social agenda, are examined using internal communications (minutes & reports), interviews, & survey data from coalition participants. Conflicts have been managed by "bridge" activists, a focus on issues resonating with a majority of members, & reinforcement of the value of the Platform to all member groups. Tensions in 2001 over organizational structure were resolved by the direct intervention of the Platform president. Disagreements over equal opportunity & discrimination are described. References. M. Pflum

This article reviews efforts to account for dynamics of continuity, change and complexity in contemporary feminism, with a particular emphasis on the utility of the 'generational paradigm' of the wave metaphor. We draw on assessments of the wave classification from feminist historians, political theorists and social movement scholars to make a case for the concept of political generation as way to explore patterns of generational‐based contest and collaboration across the women's movement. While political generation allows for an assessment of the role of context in shaping the activist identities of feminists from different generations, it lacks the explanatory power to explain the continuing purchase of the wave metaphor and its function for feminist claims making. Here, we turn to work on the centrality of loss within the affective economies of feminism to explain the functions of the wave metaphor for different elements within women's movements. This analysis is grounded in a brief empirical case of the Irish women's movement characterised as highly fragmented and marked by generational dynamics.

This fresh collection of essays examines the continued significance of gender as a marker of inequality in the lives of women across diverse contexts in Irish society. It is a cliche to say that we live in a knowledge society, but exactly whose knowledge sets the economic, political, social, and cultural parameters in any given society?Contributors tackle this question by taking the reader on a gender knowledge journey through the contemporary workplace, the state and civil society and into the education and wider cultural domains. The essays demonstrate the persistence of power differentials, the resilience of gender stereotypes and the ongoing reproduction of specific kinds of gender exclusions. Ideas about gender (often outdated and ill conceived) continue to maintain existing power imbalances in tech work, finance, education, and media. Those ideas also frame public policy debates about sex work, homelessness, women's activism and reproductive rights. Finally, a gender knowledge perspective reveals the downstream impact of gender and others forms of difference and inequality in relation to the teaching profession, game culture, book reviewing and access to archival materials on historical abuse.Producing Knowledge, Reproducing Gender: power, production and practice in Ireland will appeal to those interested in gender studies, political sociology and the sociology of knowledge