AbstractThis article takes a "then and now" perspective on social and cultural issues in the Journal of Consumer Research. The author had conversations with preeminent scholars who reflected on theoretical developments over time, what we know, and what we should be most concerned with now and in the future. This article can be used as a call to action for future consumer research dealing with society and culture.
AbstractIn the marketing and consumer behavior literature, there has been a growing attention on upward intergenerational influences, or reverse socialization, which is largely because of children's increasing influences on family decisions. This paper hypothesizes different patterns of upward intergenerational influences in single versus multiple‐child families, controlling for peer and spousal influences. We found that young adult single children had a direct positive influence on their parents' innovation adoption behavior, but not a significant influence on their parents' overall innovativeness, whereas young adult children with siblings had a different effect: Their innovativeness had a significant positive influence on their parents' overall innovativeness, but not a direct impact on their parents' innovation adoption.
Abstract Consumers often receive and evaluate temporal information, such as the number of days it will take a package to arrive or the number of days a vacation will last. Across eight preregistered studies (N = 4,758), we examine how using days-of-the-week information in descriptions of temporal intervals (e.g., "ordered on Monday, February 1, delivered on Saturday, February 6" vs. "ordered on February 1, delivered on February 6") affects consumers' duration perceptions. We propose that the days-of-the-week framing prompts people to rely on narrow-span implicit scales characterized by lower thresholds for magnitude categories. These implicit scales lead people to judge objectively equivalent temporal intervals to be longer, which in turn has downstream consequences for consumers' time-versus-money tradeoffs, work planning, and provider-switching decisions. This research adds to our understanding of how decision context can activate different implicit scales and how these scales shape consumer judgments.
Abstract When consumers compare a worse product to a better product, negative contrast can make the worse product less attractive, and positive contrast can make the better product more attractive. We show that positive contrast is relatively scope insensitive: the size of the difference between products affects negative contrast but not positive contrast. Even when the difference between products is small enough to make negative contrast negligible, positive contrast remains strong. This means that when consumers compare a product to a slightly worse product, contrast makes the better product more attractive without making the worse product any less attractive. The asymmetry occurs because consumers are less likely to consider the size of the difference between products when evaluating the better product than when evaluating the worse product, such that nudging consumers to consider the size of the difference eliminates the asymmetry.
Abstract Consumers generally prefer precise probabilities or outcomes over imprecise ranges with the same expected value, a bias known as "ambiguity aversion." We argue that two elementary principles of numerical cognition explain great heterogeneity in this bias, affecting consumer choices in many domains where options are characterized by varying levels of uncertainty (e.g., lotteries, discounts, investment products, vaccines, etc.). The first principle, the "compression effect," stipulates that consumers' mental number lines are increasingly compressed at greater number magnitudes. This alone suffices to predict ambiguity aversion as it causes a midpoint (e.g., $40) to be perceived as closer to the upper bound of a range (e.g., $60) compared to its lower bound (e.g., $20). Furthermore, as the compression effect distorts the mental number line especially at lower numbers, it follows that ambiguity aversion should decrease around greater numbers. The second principle, the "left-digit effect" causes a range's relative attractiveness to decrease (increase) disproportionately with every left-digit transition in its lower (upper) bound, thus increasing (decreasing) ambiguity aversion. Due to the overall compression effect, the impact of the left-digit effect increases at greater numbers. We present 34 experiments (N = 10,634) to support the theory's predictions and wide applicability.
Abstract Given that the central objective of consumption in many contexts is to derive enjoyment or utility, it is reasonable to assume that how much people consume a product will primarily be driven by how much they like it. Yet, the current research finds that, although consumers indeed predict that they will consume a greater amount of options they like more, their actual consumption can be surprisingly insensitive to their preferences. Across six experiments, we find that consumers systematically overestimate the extent to which their consumption amount is determined by their preferences. We propose that how much people actually consume is determined by a variety of factors, including transient motivational states (e.g., hunger or boredom), consumption opportunities, and habits. Compared to these factors, however, people's liking of a product tends to be more salient, better known, and perceived as a more normatively appropriate driver of consumption—leading consumers to focus overly on their preferences when predicting their consumption. We further propose that this prediction error has important implications for consumer welfare, as it can lead to suboptimal inventory decisions (e.g., over-purchasing of favorite products) as well as ineffective self-control strategies (e.g., restricting oneself to mediocre options in order to reduce consumption).
Abstract Why, how, and when can logos with a blue positive space communicate competence versus sadness? Why, how, and when might logos with a red positive space evoke impressions of liveliness versus aggressiveness? As the current research establishes, a black background strengthens the negative meanings associated with the hue of a logo's positive space and weakens its positive meanings. Conversely, a white background strengthens its positive meanings and weakens its negative meanings. These automatic effects occur because the hue of the positive space interacts with the color of the negative space to determine whether logos communicate positive or negative brand impressions more vividly. These effects are broadly applicable to both well-known and unknown brands, yet they are attenuated for meaningful logos and filled-frame logos. With these novel findings, this article identifies specific factors that can alter the meanings of logo hues, provides a theoretical lens for understanding the interplay of the background color and the hue of the positive space, and offers guidelines for crafting effective logos. This article also reveals which brands can benefit most from conveying negative impressions through their logos: logos with a black (white) background enhance evaluations of brands that possess negatively (positively) valenced personality traits.
Abstract Inconsistency in consumer time preferences has been well established and used to explain seemingly short-sighted behaviors (e.g., failures of self-control). However, prior research has conflated time-inconsistent preferences (discount rates that vary over time) with present bias (greater discounting when outcomes are delayed specifically from the present, as opposed to from a future time). This research shows that time-inconsistent preferences are reliably observed only when choices are substantially delayed (e.g., months into the future), which cannot be explained by present bias. This seeming puzzle is explained by a novel cross-period discounting framework, which predicts that consumers are more impatient when choosing between options occurring in different subjective financial periods. As a result, they display inconsistent time preferences and are less willing to wait for an equally delayed outcome specifically when a common delay to both options moves the larger-later option into a subsequent financial period. Six studies and multiple supplementary studies demonstrate that sensitivity to subjective financial periods accounts for time-inconsistent consumer preferences better than current models of time discounting based on present bias.
AbstractEight studies (N = 5,025) demonstrate that consumers persist more when they must complete a target number of goal-related actions before receiving continuous rewards (i.e., what we term work-to-unlock rewards) than when they receive continuous rewards for their effort right away (i.e., what we term work-to-receive rewards). The authors suggest that the motivating power of work-to-unlock rewards arises because these rewards (1) naturally encourage consumers to set an attainable goal to start earning rewards, motivating consumers initially through goal setting and (2) keep consumers engaged after reaching this goal due to low perceived progress in earning rewards. A work-to-unlock reward structure increases persistence relative to standard continuous rewards across a variety of consumer-relevant domains (e.g., exercising, flossing, evaluating products), and even when work-to-unlock rewards offer rewards of a lower magnitude. Further, a work-to-unlock reward structure outperforms other reward structures that encourage goal setting. Lastly, the authors identify a theoretically consistent boundary condition of this effect: the length of the unlocking period.
