Suchergebnisse

The notion of proenvironmental competency (PEC) is introduced, specified in a model, and tested. PEC is defined as "a capacity to effectively respond to environmental conservation requirements." Proenvironmental skills constitute the capacity to act in an environmentally responsible way, whereas environmental perceptions, beliefs, motives, and values constitute environmental conservation requirements. Although skills are necessary elements for a competency, the requirements for conservation should also be present to shape such competency. Therefore, proenvironmental skills and requirements should correlate with each other under the influence of PEC. Using structural equations, a model was specified and tested, in which PEC was a factor emerging from correlations between proenvironmental skills and environmental motives, beliefs, and perceptions. PEC was also specified as covarying with a measure of conservation behavior. The resulting model revealed that PEC can be successfully modeled as proposed and that it saliently and significantly correlates with conservation behavior.

Direct observations are used to analyze reuse and recycling pattems of 100 families in a middle-sized northwestem Mexico city and reveal that reuse is practiced more than recycling. An inventory administered to housewives examined potentfal predictors of the studied practices, investigating dispositional factors (motives, competencies, beliefs, knowledge), demographic variables (age, income, education), and situational variables (storage facilities, presence of collectors of recyclables, use of radio, TV, newspapers, and books). Each variable was presumed related to conservation behavior. Multiple regression and causal structural models were used to investigate the direct and indirect effects of these factors. Multiple regressions produced a limited number of significant (direct) predictors of reuse and recycling, whereas structural models revealed conservation competencies and motives to reuse/recycle to be the most important direct predictors. Moreover, these analyses showed that situatonal and demographic factors exerted significant indirect influence on conservation behavior through reuse/recycling motives and competencies.

Observations of the amount of reuse of glass, clothing, and metal were conducted at households of 130 individuals, and those direct observations were contrasted with the self-report of reuse of the same products. Two kinds of self-report were obtained: frequency of reuse self-reports and quantity of reuse self-reports. Thus, patterns of reuse of each particular type of material were assessed using the three methods of measurement. A multitrait-multimethod (MTMM) matrix of correlations between the reuse of these three materials, using these three methods of measurement, was analyzed. This matrix revealed the convergent and discriminant validities for the assessments of reuse. Higher correlations between direct observations and quantity self-reports were obtained than between observations and frequency reports. A confirmatory factor analysis of the MTMM matrix confirmed those results, adding significance testing to the validity assessment and to the partitioning of trait and method variance, modeled as latent factors.

Three categories of beliefs related to consumption-refuse practices were studied in a Mexican community. One hundred randomly selected housewives responded to a questionnaire investigating conservation beliefs, materialistic beliefs, and austerity beliefs, as well as self-reports of reuse and recycling practices. In addition, observations of reused/recycled items were conducted throughout the households studied. Structural equation models of the three categories of beliefs predicting self-reported and observed reuse and recycling were specified and tested. Results revealed that self-reports of conservation (reuse/recycling) behavior were best predicted by beliefs, although significant correlations between observations of reuse/recycling and beliefs were also obtained. Austerity beliefs were better predictors of self-reports of reuse, and conservation beliefs were significantly related to observations of this practice. The reported recycling was more related to materialistic and conservation beliefs, whereas the observed recycling was only predicted by materialistic beliefs.

This article addresses the link existing between sustainable behavior (SB) and the character strengths that constitute universal virtues. Research was conducted to confirm the idea that SB comprises actions of virtuous nature. SB is defined as a positive behavior aimed at the protection of the socio-physical environment, including pro-ecological, altruistic, frugal, and equitable behaviors as its constituting facets. Four hundred eighty Mexican participants responded to the Values in Action Survey—measuring character strengths—and a questionnaire assessing SB. A structural equation model was specified and tested. The results confirmed the presence of six first-order factors (character strengths) so highly interrelated as to produce a higher order factor of "common virtues." A SB factor was also formed from the interrelations between pro-ecological, altruistic, frugal, and equitable behaviors. The common virtues factor was strongly related to SB ( R2 = .54), supporting the hypothesized virtuous nature of SB.

This paper cross-culturally tests an extended version of the planned behavior theory. Using cross-sectional surveys of 801 university students from four different cultures (high vs. low individualism, and English- vs. Spanish-speaking), we expected anticipated feelings of guilt to predict behavioral intention in cultures high on individualism, whereas anticipated feelings of embarrassment would be predictive of intention in cultures low on individualism. Results from a series of structural equation models showed that anticipated embarrassment had virtually the same effect as guilt across all four cultures. Although technically distinct, anticipated guilt and embarrassment were nearly indistinguishable from an individual perspective so that either concept is able to increase the explanatory power of the planned behavior theory for environmental conservation.

Personal and political action on climate change is traditionally thought to be motivated by people accepting its reality and importance. However, convincing the public that climate change is real faces powerful ideological obstacles1, 2, 3, 4, and climate change is slipping in public importance in many countries5, 6. Here we investigate a different approach, identifying whether potential co-benefits of addressing climate change7 could motivate pro-environmental behaviour around the world for both those convinced and unconvinced that climate change is real. We describe an integrated framework for assessing beliefs about co-benefits8, distinguishing social conditions (for example, economic development, reduced pollution or disease) and community character (for example, benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; 6,196 participants) showed that two co-benefit types, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), motivated public, private and financial actions to address climate change to a similar degree as believing climate change is important. Critically, relationships were similar for both convinced and unconvinced participants, showing that co-benefits can motivate action across ideological divides. These relationships were also independent of perceived climate change importance, and could not be explained by political ideology, age, or gender. Communicating co-benefits could motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.

Personal and political action on climate change is traditionally thought to be motivated by people accepting its reality and importance. However, convincing the public that climate change is real faces powerful ideological obstacles(1-4), and climate change is slipping in public importance in many countries(.)(5,6) Here we investigate a different approach, identifying whether potential co-benefits of addressing climate change(7) could motivate pro-environmental behaviour around the world for both those convinced and unconvinced that climate change is real. We describe an integrated framework for assessing beliefs about co-benefits(8), distinguishing social conditions (for example, economic development, reduced pollution or disease) and community character (for example, benevolence, competence). Data from all inhabited continents (24 countries; 6,196 participants) showed that two co-benefit types, Development (economic and scientific advancement) and Benevolence (a more moral and caring community), motivated public, private and financial actions to address climate change to a similar degree as believing climate change is important. Critically, relationships were similar for both convinced and unconvinced participants, showing that co-benefits can motivate action across ideological divides. These relationships were also independent of perceived climate change importance, and could not be explained by political ideology, age, or gender. Communicating co-benefits could motivate action on climate change where traditional approaches have stalled.