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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction. The Path to Purple -- Part I. The Building Blocks of Purple Politics -- 1. Third Time's a Charm: The North Carolina Constitution -- 2. North Carolina Is a Purple State -- 3. The Where Matters: The Changing Political Geography of North Carolina -- 4. The Past Is Not Dead, It's Not Even Past: Race and North Carolina Politics -- 5. Women Are Underrepresented at Every Level of North Carolina Politics -- Part II. The New Era of Voting, Parties, and the Information Industry in North Carolina Politics -- 6. Even the Way We Vote Is Polarized: Voter Turnout and Election Administration in North Carolina -- 7. The Largest Political Party in North Carolina Is None of the Above -- 8. The Dog That Wouldn't Hunt: Unaffiliated Candidates in North Carolina Politics -- 9. The Information Industry in North Carolina Politics: Lobbyists, Think Tanks, and Extra-Party Organizations, Oh My! -- Part III. First among Equals: The North Carolina General Assembly -- 10. The General Assembly Does Not Have Much Capacity to Govern -- 11. It's Not All Cookies and Ice Cream: Polarization in the North Carolina General Assembly -- 12. Gerrymandering Matters -- Part IV. Vying for Power: Other Institutional Actors in North Carolina Government -- 13. The Weak North Carolina Governor: Just Enough Power to Sign the Receipt for Their Own Salary -- 14. North Carolina Elects Judges: But Appointing Them Won't Make Them Any Less Political -- 15. Local Politics in a Nationalized Environment: Vertical Federalism in North Carolina Politics -- Conclusion. Toward a Better North Carolina -- Appendix. An Information Guide to North Carolina Politics -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S.

In pursuit of the criminal -- The birth of forensics -- Securing the scene -- Recording the scene -- Handling the evidence -- Taking the scene -- Recording the scene -- Handling the evidence -- Taking fingerprints -- Analyzing fingerprints -- Written in blood -- DNA analysis -- Trace evidence -- Natural clues -- A good impression -- Guns and bullets -- Firearms in the laboratory -- At the scene of the crime -- A bug's life -- Cause of death -- Toxic world -- The bones of the matter -- Spitting image -- Behavior of the offender -- Fire starters -- Fire testing -- Crash investigation -- The big bang -- Computer forensics -- Paper trail -- Every picture tells a story -- Future forensics.

Abstract
What can be learned from analysis of a single congressional district? This paper uses the experience of North Carolina's 11th congressional district to understand the political changes that have defined the last half-century in the American South. The story of how this once politically inconsequential southern Appalachian district found itself in the middle of the national political maelstrom is, in many ways, the story of southern politics over the last three decade. Political polarization, strategic gerrymandering, the power of national political tides, the increasing urban/rural divide and the broader partisan transformation of the South that has remade American politics all are reflected in the 11th. In addition to uncovering new wrinkles in the story of southern partisan change, this paper defines and highlights the advantages of place-based Political Science.

PurposeAs social media has become an ingrained aspect of our lives—including our political relationships with other citizens and the state—various governments have warned public servants that being politically active online might threaten the reputed impartiality of themselves and the public service. This study examines whether public servants are less likely to be politically active on social media than other citizens, and seeks to understand public servants' varying disposition to be politically active online by investigating the role of employees' underlying Big 5 personality traits.Design/methodology/approachMultivariate regression, along with marginal effects and predicted probabilities, are used to investigate public servants' online political activity with survey data from Canada, a country where impartiality is a core public service value, and where governments, public service commissions and even public sector unions have voiced cautious messages about the threat online political activity presents to the reputed impartiality of public servants, and the public service at large.FindingsAnalysis of the direct effects of being a public servant and each Big 5 personality trait finds that being a public servant significantly, and substantively, reduces the probability of engaging in online political activity, meanwhile, Extraversion and Conscientiousness have consistent, significant and substantive relationships with being politically active online. Subsequent analysis investigating the dynamic between the Big 5 and being a public servant, uncovers a more complex story. Among public servants, Openness and Neuroticism, rather than Extraversion and Conscientiousness, are associated with significant and substantive changes in the probability of engaging in some online politically activities. This is consistent with research investigating the relationship between the Big 5 and risk aversion, given that public servants in Canada work in an environment with a highly cautious discourse portraying social media as a serious risk to impartiality.Practical implicationsThe findings also speak to best practices for public service human resource managers by shedding light how public servants' behavior can be better understood and managed by paying attention to their underlying personality traits.Originality/valueThis study moves beyond analyzing trends between public and private sector employees, to instead examine public servants' online political activity. This study offers theoretical and empirical insight into how public servants' disposition to be politically active online is, in part, influenced by their underlying Big 5 personality traits, specifically, Neuroticism and Openness.

What do citizens know about state legislative salaries and how does correct information change opinions of legislators and what citizens believe to be their proper levels of compensation? Through an original experiment with more than 2,000 registered voters from four heterogeneous states, this paper provides evidence that the degree of innumeracy regarding state legislative salaries exceeds innumeracy regarding many other political facts. Further, providing participants with correct information can influence policy opinions directly related to legislative salary but has no effects on indirect policy opinions, such as assessments of legislators themselves. These findings have important implications for scholars of public opinion, factual misperceptions, and state legislative representation.

Depuis quelque temps, les réseaux sociaux préoccupent divers acteurs, qui craignent qu'en menaçant l'anonymat, ces réseaux mettent en danger la neutralité de la bureaucratie. Toutefois, les données empiriques sur l'activité politique en ligne des fonctionnaires sont peu nombreuses. Dans cet article, en nous appuyant sur la littérature consacrée à la motivation de service public, nous formulons des hypothèses divergentes sur la relation existant entre fonction publique et activité politique en ligne. En confrontant ces hypothèses aux données issues d'une enquête conduite au Canada, il ressort que, dans la fonction publique, le fait d'être syndiqué réduit la probabilité d'être politiquement actif en ligne. Alors que les réseaux sociaux continuent de transformer la nature de la gouvernance, les résultats semblent indiquer que l'anonymat et la neutralité demeurent des normes professionnelles importantes dans la tradition administrative des pays utilisant le système de Westminster, ce qui transparaît dans les activités politiques en ligne des fonctionnaires canadiens. Remarques à l'intention des praticiens • En raison de leur visibilité et de leur caractère permanent, les activités politiques des fonctionnaires sur les réseaux sociaux menacent la réputation d'impartialité des agents publics. • Aussi, certaines administrations et certains syndicats de la fonction publique ont appelé le personnel administratif à la prudence face aux dangers que représentent les activités politiques en ligne. • Des données issues d'une enquête menée au Canada semblent indiquer que ces appels ont porté leurs fruits. • Dans la fonction publique, le fait d'être syndiqué réduit la probabilité d'être politiquement actif en ligne mais ne réduit pas la probabilité de conduire des activités politiques traditionnelles « hors ligne ».

Recruiting civil servants on the basis of merit is believed to improve the quality of governance because it increases the bureaucracy's expertise, leads bureaucrats to develop distinct preferences and encourages them to candidly voice their opinions to others. Yet, to date, the reason why merit recruitment positively affects employee voice remains theoretically vague and has received little empirical scrutiny. This article advances this research by theoretically specifying why merit recruitment positively affects employee voice, and by empirically testing this association with survey data measuring the perceptions of federal civil servants in Canada. Controlling for several additional factors believed to influence employee voice, the results from various multivariate regression models show a robust and statistically significant association between merit recruitment and fear to voice a dissenting opinion. The more civil servants believe that merit recruitment is high, the less they fear reprisal for expressing a dissenting opinion to their superiors.