The aim of TELEMAC is to propose a multidimensional spatial analysis of the salience of a topic of geopolitical interest in a large set of foreign news published by media outlets located in several countries. We propose a multidimensional spatial analysis of the salience of a topic. How do hypes appear and what is their dynamic in relation to the complete coverage of international news by several media? The application allows to observe the variation of the salience of a topic (What) in different media according to the different sources (Who) through time (When). According to our international perspective, we give a specific place to the spatial dimension of the news through the analysis of the linkages between newspapers reporting distant countries (Who-Where) and countries associated in a piece of news (What-Where).
The aim of TELEMAC is to propose a multidimensional spatial analysis of the salience of a topic of geopolitical interest in a large set of foreign news published by media outlets located in several countries. We propose a multidimensional spatial analysis of the salience of a topic. How do hypes appear and what is their dynamic in relation to the complete coverage of international news by several media? The application allows to observe the variation of the salience of a topic (What) in different media according to the different sources (Who) through time (When). According to our international perspective, we give a specific place to the spatial dimension of the news through the analysis of the linkages between newspapers reporting distant countries (Who-Where) and countries associated in a piece of news (What-Where).
SUMMARY Many recent research has pointed the existence of an exceptional perturbation of classical and social media agenda during the period of outbreak of Covid-19 from january to may 2020. But the majority of studies are focusing on isolated countries and propose *ad hoc* explanations of the variation of salience of the topic by specific international events (e.g. declaration of WHO) or national political decisions (e.g. date and forms of lockdown). The perspective of the research proposed here is different as we try to catch a perturbation of the world agenda of media, assuming the existence of a globalization of the crisis at one point of time, producing a mega-bubble effect which appear to some extent exceptional as compared to events observed during the last 30 years. Our overarching hypothesis can be formulate as follow : The Covid media outbreak is not a classical historical focusing event like Sept. 11 terror attacks of 2001 in the US. It is rather a giant case of international spreading with a complexity of form and a level of intensity that has never been observed during the last 30 years. 1. Definition of the research objec t The word coronavirus can be considered as a signal that reveals the presence of a media outbreak that has been disseminated in the majority of stories published by newspapers during the first months of year 2020. The word covid-19 is a mutation of the initial diseases but participate from the same outbreak. Coronavirus or covid-19 can be identified in all languages of the world. We define therefore a function of infection of news by viral words by a boolean function 2. Data collection 1. **Mediacloud** appears as the most interesting source for analysis of recent events. It will be chosen for an extended spatial coverage at global scale (125 medias from 25 countries). 2. Factiva or Europresse are very similar in terms of content. They are usefull for the collection of full text and for the realisation of historical comparisons (9 medias and 3 press agencies) with previous global events. 3. Covid-19 as giant focusing event ? We started from the initial assumption that both events belongs to the category of focusing events defined by Birkland as *' an event that is sudden; relatively uncommon; can be reasonably defined as harmful or revealing the possibility of potentially greater future harms; has harms that are concentrated in a particular geographical area or community of interest; and that is known to policy makers and the public simultaneously.'* Source : Birkland, Thomas A. 1997. After Disaster: Agenda Setting, Public Policy, and Focusing Events. Georgetown University Press. Then we test the hypothesis The level of salience reached by the Covid-19 is exceptional, compared to the reference event of Sept. 11 which can be divided in sub-hypothesis - H1 The peak of coverage of covid-19 is higher than the one observed in Sept. 11 - H2 The duration of the peak of high coverage is longer for Covid-19 than for Sept.11 - H3 The world coverage is more homogeneous for Covid-19 than for Sept. 11 The hypothesis H1, H2 and H3 are validated. But we can really ask if the two events belongs to the same category. In mathematical terms, it appears obvious that it is note the case. Sept.11 attack can be modelised as a transition between two state with a schock and an exponetial decline. Covid-19 is better approximated by a logistic curve, at less until mid-april. 4. Covid-19 as giant spreading international event ? The logistic model is not sufficient to describe the complexity of the curves associated to the salience of covid-19 in daily newspaper. When data are collected at the level of days, we can notice a lot of discontinuities revealing changing in slopes or intercepts. The final part of the paper will discuss some proposal for the modelisation of the complex curves established for the 125 media of 25 countries. And finally adress some hypothesis concerning the explication of the multiple breakpoints that are revealed by the analysis of the different countries : - influence of global events like declarations of WHO ? - co-variation between number of cases/deaths and number of news ? - influence of national events like beginning and end of lockdown ? - Regional effects related to diffusion of news between neighbouring countries ?
International audience ; This text proposes to elaborate cross-disciplinary perspectives of research concerning the elaboration of voting rules in international organisations, with a specific focus on the question of the representation of states characterised by unequal economic or demographic weight. The European Union (EU) offers an exciting example of case studies. This organisation is indeed facing a double issue of external representation (what is the collective weight of EU members in world organisations) and internal representation (what is the respective weight of each member state in EU organisations). The first part discusses the problem of evaluating the weight of countries. The second part elaborates an historical perspective (since 1992) on the collective weight of EU members in the World and examines alternative scenarios (until 2022). The final part explores the internal consequences for EU of the Brexit concerning the decision based on qualified majority. ; Cette communication se donne pour ambition d'esquisser des pistes de recherche pluridisciplinaire sur la question des règles de représentation d'États de poids inégal dans des instances internationales. L'Union européenne(UE) constitue un cas d'étude privilégié puisqu'elle soulève à la fois des questions de représentation externe (poids collectifs des membres de l'UE dans les instances politiques mondiales) et de représentation interne (poids respectif des États membres dans les instances politiques de l'UE). La première partie discutera la question des enjeux de la mesure du poids démographique et économique des pays à l'intérieur d'une organisation internationale. La seconde partie examinera le poids global de l'UE dans le Monde dans une perspective historique et prospective de moyenne durée (1992-2022). Enfin la dernière partie s'interrogera sur les conséquences potentielles du Brexit en matière de prise de décision à la majorité qualifiée à l'intérieur de l'UE.
International audience ; This text proposes to elaborate cross-disciplinary perspectives of research concerning the elaboration of voting rules in international organisations, with a specific focus on the question of the representation of states characterised by unequal economic or demographic weight. The European Union (EU) offers an exciting example of case studies. This organisation is indeed facing a double issue of external representation (what is the collective weight of EU members in world organisations) and internal representation (what is the respective weight of each member state in EU organisations). The first part discusses the problem of evaluating the weight of countries. The second part elaborates an historical perspective (since 1992) on the collective weight of EU members in the World and examines alternative scenarios (until 2022). The final part explores the internal consequences for EU of the Brexit concerning the decision based on qualified majority. ; Cette communication se donne pour ambition d'esquisser des pistes de recherche pluridisciplinaire sur la question des règles de représentation d'États de poids inégal dans des instances internationales. L'Union européenne(UE) constitue un cas d'étude privilégié puisqu'elle soulève à la fois des questions de représentation externe (poids collectifs des membres de l'UE dans les instances politiques mondiales) et de représentation interne (poids respectif des États membres dans les instances politiques de l'UE). La première partie discutera la question des enjeux de la mesure du poids démographique et économique des pays à l'intérieur d'une organisation internationale. La seconde partie examinera le poids global de l'UE dans le Monde dans une perspective historique et prospective de moyenne durée (1992-2022). Enfin la dernière partie s'interrogera sur les conséquences potentielles du Brexit en matière de prise de décision à la majorité qualifiée à l'intérieur de l'UE.
International audience ; This text proposes to elaborate cross-disciplinary perspectives of research concerning the elaboration of voting rules in international organisations, with a specific focus on the question of the representation of states characterised by unequal economic or demographic weight. The European Union (EU) offers an exciting example of case studies. This organisation is indeed facing a double issue of external representation (what is the collective weight of EU members in world organisations) and internal representation (what is the respective weight of each member state in EU organisations). The first part discusses the problem of evaluating the weight of countries. The second part elaborates an historical perspective (since 1992) on the collective weight of EU members in the World and examines alternative scenarios (until 2022). The final part explores the internal consequences for EU of the Brexit concerning the decision based on qualified majority. ; Cette communication se donne pour ambition d'esquisser des pistes de recherche pluridisciplinaire sur la question des règles de représentation d'États de poids inégal dans des instances internationales. L'Union européenne(UE) constitue un cas d'étude privilégié puisqu'elle soulève à la fois des questions de représentation externe (poids collectifs des membres de l'UE dans les instances politiques mondiales) et de représentation interne (poids respectif des États membres dans les instances politiques de l'UE). La première partie discutera la question des enjeux de la mesure du poids démographique et économique des pays à l'intérieur d'une organisation internationale. La seconde partie examinera le poids global de l'UE dans le Monde dans une perspective historique et prospective de moyenne durée (1992-2022). Enfin la dernière partie s'interrogera sur les conséquences potentielles du Brexit en matière de prise de décision à la majorité qualifiée à l'intérieur de l'UE.
A on-line version of this report is available at http://www.ums-riate.fr/mapper/ ; The main objective of this report is to summarise and benchmark the results of the EuroBroadMap project with regard to the way in which Europe (or more precisely the European Union) is seen in different countries, from a non-Eurocentric point of view. We have elaborated on a grid analysis which tries to compare subjective visions based on a worldwide survey of the mental maps of students, but also in some cases on qualitative surveys on migrants, normative visions based on official political diplomatic documents or textbooks, and finally functional visions based on a statistical analysis of economic, diplomatic or migratory flows. The core aim of this work is to identify similarities or cognitive dissonances between different visions of Europe across the world and to check whether such similarities and cognitive dissonances are the same inside and outside of the EU.
A on-line version of this report is available at http://www.ums-riate.fr/mapper/ ; The main objective of this report is to summarise and benchmark the results of the EuroBroadMap project with regard to the way in which Europe (or more precisely the European Union) is seen in different countries, from a non-Eurocentric point of view. We have elaborated on a grid analysis which tries to compare subjective visions based on a worldwide survey of the mental maps of students, but also in some cases on qualitative surveys on migrants, normative visions based on official political diplomatic documents or textbooks, and finally functional visions based on a statistical analysis of economic, diplomatic or migratory flows. The core aim of this work is to identify similarities or cognitive dissonances between different visions of Europe across the world and to check whether such similarities and cognitive dissonances are the same inside and outside of the EU.
A on-line version of this report is available at http://www.ums-riate.fr/mapper/ ; The main objective of this report is to summarise and benchmark the results of the EuroBroadMap project with regard to the way in which Europe (or more precisely the European Union) is seen in different countries, from a non-Eurocentric point of view. We have elaborated on a grid analysis which tries to compare subjective visions based on a worldwide survey of the mental maps of students, but also in some cases on qualitative surveys on migrants, normative visions based on official political diplomatic documents or textbooks, and finally functional visions based on a statistical analysis of economic, diplomatic or migratory flows. The core aim of this work is to identify similarities or cognitive dissonances between different visions of Europe across the world and to check whether such similarities and cognitive dissonances are the same inside and outside of the EU.
L'objectif du présent chapitre est d'étudier les conséquences régionales de l'élargissement de 15 à 25 pays de l'Union européenne en 2004. Après avoir rappelé les difficultés inhérentes à l'emploi du critère du PIB/habitant, on examinera les contradictions latentes qui existent entre les politiques européennes et nationales de développement régional puis les effets locaux de concurrence ou de convergence entre les régions voisines et enfin la question des discontinuités transfrontalières.
L'objectif du présent chapitre est d'étudier les conséquences régionales de l'élargissement de 15 à 25 pays de l'Union européenne en 2004. Après avoir rappelé les difficultés inhérentes à l'emploi du critère du PIB/habitant, on examinera les contradictions latentes qui existent entre les politiques européennes et nationales de développement régional puis les effets locaux de concurrence ou de convergence entre les régions voisines et enfin la question des discontinuités transfrontalières.
L'objectif du présent chapitre est d'étudier les conséquences régionales de l'élargissement de 15 à 25 pays de l'Union européenne en 2004. Après avoir rappelé les difficultés inhérentes à l'emploi du critère du PIB/habitant, on examinera les contradictions latentes qui existent entre les politiques européennes et nationales de développement régional puis les effets locaux de concurrence ou de convergence entre les régions voisines et enfin la question des discontinuités transfrontalières.
Version préliminaire de l'article publié en 2001 dans les annales des Mines ; International audience ; La question du réchauffement climatique liée aux émissions de gaz à effets de serre constitue un défi majeur pour l'ensemble des habitants de la planète. Une cartographie des émissions de CO2 dans le cadre habituel des Etats permet de comprendre les tensions politiques internationales que suscite l'application du protocole de Kyoto (refus des Etats-Unis). Mais elle ne permet pas de saisir les enjeux économiques ou écologiques mondiaux qui sont révélés par une cartographie "sans frontière" de la distributions des émissions de gaz carbonique à la surface de la Terre
Version préliminaire de l'article publié en 2001 dans les annales des Mines ; International audience ; La question du réchauffement climatique liée aux émissions de gaz à effets de serre constitue un défi majeur pour l'ensemble des habitants de la planète. Une cartographie des émissions de CO2 dans le cadre habituel des Etats permet de comprendre les tensions politiques internationales que suscite l'application du protocole de Kyoto (refus des Etats-Unis). Mais elle ne permet pas de saisir les enjeux économiques ou écologiques mondiaux qui sont révélés par une cartographie "sans frontière" de la distributions des émissions de gaz carbonique à la surface de la Terre
Version préliminaire de l'article publié en 2001 dans les annales des Mines ; International audience ; La question du réchauffement climatique liée aux émissions de gaz à effets de serre constitue un défi majeur pour l'ensemble des habitants de la planète. Une cartographie des émissions de CO2 dans le cadre habituel des Etats permet de comprendre les tensions politiques internationales que suscite l'application du protocole de Kyoto (refus des Etats-Unis). Mais elle ne permet pas de saisir les enjeux économiques ou écologiques mondiaux qui sont révélés par une cartographie "sans frontière" de la distributions des émissions de gaz carbonique à la surface de la Terre
