Suchergebnisse

AbstractVarious scholars and political actors advocate workplace democratisation to give employees greater influence over decision‐making. Many suggest employee board representation (EBR) as a mechanism to facilitate this, but some question how influential employee board representatives (EBRs) are and whether they represent their colleagues' views. This study investigates the extent to which EBR contributes to workplace democratisation, via a comparison of three Australian public sector organisations. The study found EBRs exerted significantly more influence at the Australian National University than at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and the Australian Film Television and Radio School. Most EBRs wanted to draw upon staff experiences but their communication with colleagues was often constrained. Variances of influence were explained by the number of EBRs, the actions of the Chair, chief executive officer, government, and other board members. Two findings stand out as unique contributions: the importance of appointment powers to EBR influence in the public sector, and EBRs' limited influence on labour issues in the Anglosphere due to the adversarial system of labour bargaining being positioned largely outside the boardroom. The study concludes that EBR is a non‐tokenistic form of workplace democratisation, albeit with a specific scope, which has utility within a mix of democratising mechanisms.Points for practitioners
Most EBRs exerted a limited or moderate influence on decision‐making, but others exerted more significant influence. They were most influential on matters related to their experience and expertise and were largely unable to influence workers' pay, conditions, and other labour issues.
Most EBRs did not represent their colleagues in a transactional or direct sense, but drew upon their experiences as staff members when making decisions. However, EBRs had fluctuating issues communicating with their fellow employees, largely due to managerial direction around confidentiality.
The number of SEDs on the board and the actions of other board members, the Chair, chief executive officer, and the government explained the variances in SEDs' influence between agencies.
This study's findings regarding EBR influence were middling compared to European research, but appointment powers were found to be particularly important in the public sector context. EBRs' influence was found to be limited on labour issues, suggesting a potential clash between the corporatist inclination of EBR and the adversarial system of labour bargaining prevalent in the Anglosphere.
Elected EBRs offer employees a non‐tokenistic form of representation but within a limited scope of strategy and oversight. Given factors that constrain SEDs' influence and representativeness can be at least partly countered by policy design and political leadership, these findings bolster the policy case for extending EBR throughout the public sector.

Community-engaged research, grounded in the humanities and social sciences and rooted in ethnographic methods, can provide important insights into the ways that environmental racism impacts neighborhoods and communities. The Anthropocene Household project at the IUPUI Arts & Humanities Institute explores the current geological epoch, the Age of Humans, on a local level through the lens of the household in order to understand the experiences, knowledges, and practices associated with environmental change. In my research, I am looking at these experiences and understandings specifically related to environmental racism. In this paper I would like to explore two different examples of environmental racism in Indianapolis. One illustrates how white privilege plays a role in creating environmental racism and the other shows the impact of white supremacy in shaping government response to an issue of environmental racism. Both examples demonstrate the value in foregrounding the voices and experiences of the people who are living in these impacted communities. We cannot develop meaningful interventions into environmental racism without understanding these lived experiences and creating space to hear these voices.

Understanding the financial condition of local governments is important for public managers and elected officials as they work to align revenues with p ublic demands for services, while maintaining financial solvency. This task becomes even more important when the economic and financial environment, over which local officials have little to no control, is collapsing around them. This article seeks to expand the literature of measuring financial condition of local governments by testing the validity and reliability of the Financial Condition Index (FCI). The FCI is a framework for evaluating financial condition that was initially developed by Groves, Godsey, and Shulman and later applied in US state‐level studies by a number of scholars. The results from this article cast serious doubt on the applicability of using the FCI, and the four associated solvency dimensions, as an appropriate methodology for evaluating local government financial condition.

AbstractThe policy adoption is often seen as a function of internal determinants, external determinants, or a combination of the two. In the years since the start of the HIV/AIDS epidemic nearly every country in the world has adopted of some nature a program to combat the epidemic. This article demonstrates the mixed mechanisms influencing the adoption of AIDS programs, in a quantitative study of 90 countries. Prior studies have claimed that multilateral organizations were vital to global action against the HIV/AIDS epidemic. This study provides empirical evidence showing the actions taken by the multilateral organizations have both helped and hindered efforts to combat the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

If recent years are any indication, the presence and risks of wildfire smoke will become more common in Lane County in future years, not less. The effects of climate change will continue to exacerbate the risk of these fires' size and intensity. This memo sets out to outline the range of known policy interventions that might be taken by Lane County and other governments to protect vulnerable populations when wildfire and their smoke affect our area. ; Lane County Oregon Policy Lab Institute for Policy Research and Engagement