Suchergebnisse

"Chu analyzes the importance of the Olympic medal haul to the Chinese, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong authorities. Between 1984 and 2021, elite athletes from the member regions of Greater China - China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong - competed at each of the ten Summer Olympics. By winning 263 gold medals, 199 silver, and 173 bronze, China became a global sports superpower. Taiwan and Hong Kong pocketed 7 gold medals, 10 silver, and 17 bronze and 2 gold medals, 3 silver, and 4 bronze, respectively, displaying their world-leading statuses in archery, badminton, baseball, cycling, fencing, gymnastics, Judo, karate, sailing, Taekwondo, table tennis, and weightlifting. In response, the leaders of the three regions delivered high-profile praise. Their administrations awarded cash, badges, and honorary titles to the medalists. Reviewing journalistic reports, key-players' memoirs, official documents, and scholarly works, Chu details the context in which the Olympic medal haul was leveraged for political change within the three regions and their relations with each other. He reveals that the praise and rewards bestowed by the respective authorities on the medalists served broader strategic goals across domestic politics and international relations"--

Introduction -- China, Taiwan, and international sporting events in the Lee Teng-hui era (1988-2000) -- China, Taiwan, and international sporting events in the Chen Shui-bian era (2000-2008) -- China, Taiwan, and international sporting events in the Ma Ying-jeou era (2008-2016) -- China, Taiwan, and international sporting events during Tsai Ing-wen's first term in office (2016-2020) -- Conclusion.

"Chu explores the politics behind Taiwanese cities' pursuit of international sporting events, and the Chinese authorities' strategic measures in handling the relations with Taiwan since the 1990s. It is assumed that the Chinese authorities constantly oppose Taiwanese cities' application for, and boycott their subsequent holding of, international sporting events. Doing so would obstruct Taiwan's capacity to raise its visibility and influence in world society, and defend the One-China principle. In fact, the role of China in Taiwan's pursuit of international sporting events is not invariably as a fatal obstructer, but sometimes a neutral bystander or even an enthusiastic supporter. Chu examines the reasons behind this phenomenon. Reviewing the 18 Taiwanese bidding attempts and four hosting projects, he argues that China's inconsistent response is determined by the ups and downs of Cross-Strait political ties. As a result, this book provides insight into the nexus between sports and politics in the context of China-Taiwan rivalry. A must read for scholars, students, and other watchers of Cross-Strait relations"--

"The holding of sporting mega-events is viewed by the Chinese authorities as a prominent way to push forward the Reform and Opening up, arouse the patriotism among the public, and display national resurgence in the world. Chinese cities thus have keenly quested for the Olympics, the Asian Games and the World University Games since the 1980s. Theoretically, the President, the Premier and the central government should provide all-out support, so boosting the Chinese cities' odds of success. The reality yet shows that their attitude towards the bids vary from case to case. Through reviewing the 20 bidding cases, this book aims to demystify the reasons behind. The findings provide an in-depth account of (1) how domestic and international political factors determine the state leaders' blessing and silence as well as the central government's backing, indifference and opposition, and (2) how the bids for the sporting mega-events are used to serve the broader political goals of the Chinese authorities at home and abroad. Additionally, they shed light on the political strategies to boost the Chinese cities' chance of success, and the political reasons for their win, loss and discontinuation, in the bidding contests. In sum, this book vividly elucidates the inseparable nature between politics and sport in China"--

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. The FIFA Galas in China since the 1980s -- Chapter 3. China's Quest for the AFC Asian Cup -- Chapter 4. China's Holding of the 2011 FINA World Championships, the 2015 IAAF World Championships and the 2019 FIBA World Cup -- Chapter 5. Beijing and Zhangjiakou's Co-hosting of 2022 Winter Olympics -- Chapter 6. Conclusion.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 Hong Kong's Application for 1997 WBG and IMF Annual Meetings -- 1.2 Macao's Application for 2005 EAG -- 1.3 Objectives -- References -- Chapter 2: International Conferences in China's Hong Kong -- 2.1 Hong Kong 1997 WBG and IMF Annual Meetings -- 2.2 Hong Kong 2001 FGF and 2002 WCOA -- 2.3 Hong Kong 2005 WTO Ministerial Conference and 2006 ITU Telecom World -- 2.4 Hong Kong's Bid for 2011 IOC Session -- 2.5 Hong Kong's Discontinuation to Host 2014 APEC Finance Ministerial Meeting -- 2.6 Summary -- References -- Chapter 3: International Sporting Games in China's Hong Kong -- 3.1 Hong Kong's Bids for 2006 Asian Games and 2006 FESPIC Games -- 3.2 Hong Kong 2008 Summer Olympics Equestrian Events and 2009 EAG -- 3.3 Hong Kong's Bids for 2023 Asian Games and 2015 FINA World Championships -- 3.4 Hong Kong's Bid for 2022 Gay Games -- 3.5 Summary -- References -- Chapter 4: International Conferences and Sporting Games in China's Macao -- 4.1 Macao 2005 EAG -- 4.2 Macao 2007 AIG and 2012 OCA General Assembly -- 4.3 CLCECCF Ministerial Conferences since 2003 and Macao 2006 Lusophonia Games -- 4.4 Macao 2014 APEC Tourism Ministerial Meeting -- 4.5 Summary -- References -- Chapter 5: Conclusion -- 5.1 Hong Kong and Macao -- 5.2 China -- 5.3 Looking Ahead -- 5.3.1 Principle of Frugality -- 5.3.2 Taiwan -- 5.3.3 Promoting Belt and Road Initiative and Forging Greater Bay Area -- References -- Index.