Suchergebnisse

La Chine a repris sa place sur la scène internationale après des années d'effort visant à développer son économie. Pékin revendique désormais de participer aux affaires d'un monde multipolaire en proposant un nouveau type de leadership qui serait « facilitateur », donc mieux adapté que l'influence américaine jugée unilatérale.

AbstractThe EU (European Union) and China are the two arguably most unusual powers in today's world: the EU as the most integrated regional association of states and China as the largest developing great power. As the post‐Cold War American‐led liberal world order is facing challenges from forces unleashed by the power transition and power diffusion in the international system, this article will look into the order‐shaping roles of the EU and China, to identify their respective visions of a desirable world order and to conceptualize how the EU and China can make themselves 'building blocks' of a working world order through parallel, complementary and concerted order‐shaping.

Europe in the form of the European Union is seen in China as a major player in global affairs. As a sui generis actor, the EU was seen in general as a progressive force in world affairs in China. Europe's economic might and normative appeals were also widely acknowledged in China, even though the Chinese on occasions complained of the assertive normative diplomacy of the EU and its member states, which was backed by its economic power. However, as Europe encounters a severe sovereign debt crisis, and China continues its fast growth in terms of economic development and international influence, the Chinese leaders, elites and general public are starting to develop a more realistic view of Europe and scaling down some of their wishful thinking about the ever-growing influence of the EU. Yet, at government level, relations with the EU and its member states are still on the top of China's foreign policy agenda. By trying to offer a helping hand to the EU, the Chinese government is hoping that the current crisis might turn into a stimulating factor for a closer relationship between China and the EU/member states on both bilateral and global issues. Adapted from source document.

China's relations with the Republic of Korea have undergone twenty years of remarkable development since the two countries established formal diplomatic relations in 1992. Since the political relationship was upgraded to a "strategic partnership" in 2008, with ever-deepening economic interdependence and intensive societal exchanges, the two countries have entered a new and more complicated stage. The ROK's closer economic relationship with China is now coupled with a closer security alliance with the United States, while intensified societal exchange is being accompanied by the decline of positive feelings in Sino-Korean mutual perceptions. While the two sides have been able to manage the fallout of the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong tragedies in 2010, greater efforts are needed to place the relationship on a solid basis in the context of China's rise and the ROK's desire to find a larger international role for it self. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

Aus chinesischer Sicht

This article presents mainstream views in China about US diplomacy in general and particularly US diplomacy towards China in the twenty-first century. In general, US diplomacy is seen as primacy-seeking, missionary pragmatism, hard power first, with persistent impulsive unilateralism, and only constrained by a disruptive power-sharing domestic political system. Chinese leaders and diplomats tend to favour those American counterparts who can demonstrate pragmatism, appreciation, commitment and professionalism. They believe that China needs to negotiate from a position of strength with normally over-demanding American counterparts, and to pay extraordinary attention to detail in negotiations. While the Chinese held a negative view about the overall diplomacy of US President George W. Bush, they welcomed his pragmatic diplomacy towards China and regarded it as his most positive diplomatic legacy. Although the Chinese have developed a more positive view towards President Obama's diplomacy, in considering the United States' persisting desire for primacy, its missionary tradition and highly pluralistic domestic politics, the Chinese are more cautious in embracing the Obama administration's charm-offense diplomacy than many US allies.

This article presents mainstream views in China about US diplomacy in general and particularly US diplomacy towards China in the twenty-first century. In general, US diplomacy is seen as primacy-seeking, missionary pragmatism, hard power first, with persistent impulsive unilateralism, and only constrained by a disruptive power-sharing domestic political system. Chinese leaders and diplomats tend to favour those American counterparts who can demonstrate pragmatism, appreciation, commitment and professionalism. They believe that China needs to negotiate from a position of strength with normally over-demanding American counterparts, and to pay extraordinary attention to detail in negotiations. While the Chinese held a negative view about the overall diplomacy of US President George W. Bush, they welcomed his pragmatic diplomacy towards China and regarded it as his most positive diplomatic legacy. Although the Chinese have developed a more positive view towards President Obama's diplomacy, in considering the United States' persisting desire for primacy, its missionary tradition and highly pluralistic domestic politics, the Chinese are more cautious in embracing the Obama administration's charm-offense diplomacy than many US allies. Adapted from the source document.