Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: the rise of the Indo-Pacific -- Part 1 Understanding the rise of the Indo-Pacific -- 1 Australia's new strategic geography: making and sustaining an Indo-Pacific defence policy -- 2 Japan and the Indo-Pacific -- 3 India and the Indo-Pacific from Singh to Modi: geopolitical and geoeconomic entanglements -- 4 Climate change as comprehensive security in the continuum: geostrategy and geoeconomics in the time and place of the Indo-Pacific -- 5 Indonesia's new geopolitics: Indo-Pacific or PACINDO?

The rise of India as a major power has generated new interest in understanding the drivers of its foreign policy. This book argues that analysing India's foreign and security policies as representational practices which produce India's identity as a postcolonial nation-state helps to illuminate the conditions of possibility in which foreign policy is made. Spanning the period between 1947 and 2004, the book focuses on key moments of crisis, such as the India-China war in 1962 and the nuclear tests of 1972 and 1998, and the approach to international affairs of significant leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru. The analysis sheds new light on these key events and figures and develops a strong analytical narrative around India's foreign policy behaviour, based on an understanding of its postcolonial identity. It is argued that a prominent facet of India's identity is a perception that it is a civilizational-state which brings to international affairs a tradition of morality and ethical conduct derived from its civilizational heritage and the experience of its anti-colonial struggle. This notion of 'civilizational exceptionalism', as well as other narratives of India's civilizational past, such as its vulnerability to invasion and conquest, have shaped the foreign policies of governments of various political hues and continue to influence a rising India. --

Abstract
Policy hybrids, which combine marketizing and liberalizing reforms with social welfare programmes and state support to boost domestic production, are fast becoming the norm globally. How are neo-liberal and national-developmentalist agendas reconciled as governing practices, and what are their national and international outcomes and implications? This article focuses on the understudied case of India, arguing that a paternalist political rationality, which melds paternalist logics in neo-liberalism and the government's Hindutva civilizationalist politics, underpins its flagship economic policy, the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan (Self-reliant India Mission). This policy, through production-linked incentives, aims to boost Indian manufacturing. India has benefited from a global push to diversify supply chains and forge new geopolitical partnerships, such as the Quad, to undermine China's manufacturing dominance and geopolitical assertiveness. Yet, its current approach consolidates the dominance of large firms, producing an elitist political economy, and does not address structural weaknesses through public investment in areas like research and education. This has implications for India's development, global trade and geopolitics. These arguments are made by identifying the paternalist logics in the theories and practices of neo-liberalism, and in Hindutva civilizationalist politics; assessing the aims of the Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan as elaborated by government officials; and evaluating the early outcomes of production-linked incentive schemes.