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Scholars from developing democracies, such as Mexico, used to consider every consolidated democracy as a paradigm guiding our general expectations. Every new legal amendment would have to match the best practices, internationally recognized on electoral matters. Suddenly, political communication model completely changed since the expansion of digital platforms (such as Facebook or Twitter). Those platforms have being overlapping traditional media: Television, printing press, radio or tv. New realities produced by the current Digital Revolution seem to approach these old hemispheres betwen them. Electoral conflicts in Latin America seem more and more interesting to democracies considered to be invulnerable. Then, even in those countries, judges must live their day to day working after overlapped rules, overshoot by times we're living in. Legislators realize the internet traffic cannot be regulated through traditional rules related with public liberties (such as free press and expression). Proliferation of discredit campaigns, better known as fake news, are approaching countries to encounter legal solutions beyond simple prohibitions. In this paper, the author describes some of these developpements, appealing to some aspects opening debate in order to approach the aftermentioned two hemispheres dividing old and new democracies. Many of those controversies, able to be submitted sooner or later to electoral judges. ; Los académicos de las democracias emergentes, como la mexicana, solíamos considerar a las democracias consolidadas como un paradigma que guiaba nuestras aspiraciones democráticas. Cada una de las innumerables reformas tenía que coincidir con las mejores prácticas internacionalmente reconocidas en materia electoral. Repentinamente, los modelos de comunicación política cambiaron con la proliferación de plataformas digitales (como Facebook y Twitter) que están suplantando a la prensa escrita, la radio y la televisión. La aparición de nuevas realidades propias de esta llamada revolución digital están aproximando estos dos viejos hemisferios entre sí. La conflictividad electoral que se vivió en los países latinoamericanos parece interesar cada vez más a las democracias que creíamos invulnerables. Es así como incluso en aquellos países, los jueces deben vivir su cotidianeidad con normas desfasadas con los tiempos que vivimos. Y los legisladores advierten que el tráfico de información en internet no se puede regular con las reglas de las libertades públicas tradicionales (como las de expresión y de prensa). La proliferación de campañas de desprestigio, conocidas también como fake news, está acercando a los países a encontrar soluciones que sobrepasen la falta de funcionalidad de las simples prohibiciones legales. En este artículo, se presentan algunos de estos desarrollos y puntos a considerar para abrir el debate y acercar a dos polos (viejas y nuevas democracias). Pero que ahora presentan realidades y controversias inéditas que, tarde o temprano, tendrán que llegar al conocimiento de los jueces electorales.

La protección de la Constitución es un fenómeno sumamente previsible al interior de las asarnbleas parlamentarias europeas. La mayoría parlamentaria no actúa de manera tiránica en la medida en que ninguna ley puede ser aprobada atropellando a la minoría política. Tal situación pareció difundirse después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, a partir del momento en que la fracción minoritaria de un parlamento, podía tener acceso a mecanismos de control de constitucionalidad (especialmente los de tipo "abstracto", en la terminología kelseniana), la oposición "coyuntural" podría estar en situación de reclamar jurídicamente contenidos legislativos que ella misma había sido incapaz de instaurar políticamente (es decir, a través del voto). La intención del presente artículo, es recorrer a través de la evolución institucional, un tipo de cooperación entre tribunales constitucionales y oposiciones parlamentarias, tal corno ha sido representada en los últimos 50 años en el continente Europeo.

O presente artigo estuda a situação da educação no estado de Oaxaca entre a Independência e a República Restaurada. Em sua maioria indígena, a população da entidade era considerada pela elite política e intelectual do século XIX o obstáculo a ser superado para alcançar-se a civilização e a estabilidade. Logo se difundiu a teoria de que o Estado tinha que se encarregar de solucionar o problema e que a melhor maneira seria por meio de uma educação obrigatória, gratuita e laica. O texto que segue apresenta as idéias liberais sobre "o problema indígena" e as diretrizes para sua "solução" através da análise da legislação que auspiciou e regulamentou o sistema educativo tanto no aspecto administrativo como para a formação docente. ; The present article studies the situation of education in the state of Oaxaca between the period of Independence and the Restored Republic. Mostly indigenous, the population was considered the impeding obstacle in order to achieve civilization and stability, according to the political and intellectual 19th century elite. Soon after, the idea spread that the State was responsible for solving this problem; and the most effective solution would be through mandatory, free, and lay education. The fallowing text presents liberal ideas on "the indigenous problem" and the dealings of its "solution" through the analysis of the legislation that made possible and designed the educational system, both at the administrative level and at the teaching professional development level.

Five tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs) are currently approved in the European Union for treatment of chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) and all have considerable overlap in their indications. While disease-specific factors such as CML phase, mutational status, and line of treatment are key to TKI selection, other important features must be considered, such as patient-specific comorbidities and TKI safety profiles. Ponatinib, the TKI most recently approved, has demonstrated efficacy in patients with refractory CML, but is associated with an increased risk of arterial hypertension, sometimes severe, and serious arterial occlusive and venous thromboembolic events. A panel of European experts convened to discuss their clinical experience in managing patients with CML. Based on the panel discussions, scenarios in which a CML patient may be an appropriate candidate for ponatinib therapy are described, including presence of the T315I mutation, resistance to other TKIs without the T315I mutation, and intolerance to other TKIs.

Current antiretroviral treatment (ART) may control HIV-1 replication but it cannot cure the infection due to the formation of a reservoir of latently infected cells. CD4+ T cell activation during HIV-1 infection eliminates the antiviral function of the restriction factor SAMHD1, allowing proviral integration and the reservoir establishment. The role of tyrosine kinases during T-cell activation is essential for these processes. Therefore, the inhibition of tyrosine kinases could control HIV-1 infection and restrict the formation of the reservoir. A family of tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs) is successfully used in clinic for treating chronic myeloid leukemia (CML). The safety and efficacy against HIV-1 infection of five TKIs was assayed in PBMCs isolated from CML patients on prolonged treatment with these drugs that were infected ex vivo with HIV-1. We determined that the most potent and safe TKI against HIV-1 infection was dasatinib, which preserved SAMHD1 antiviral function and avoid T-cell activation through TCR engagement and homeostatic cytokines. Imatinib and nilotinib showed lower potency and bosutinib was quite toxic in vitro. Ponatinib presented similar profile to dasatinib but as it has been associated with higher incidence of arterial ischemic events, dasatinib would be the better choice of TKI to be used as adjuvant of ART in order to avoid the establishment and replenishment of HIV-1 reservoir and move forward towards an HIV cure. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (SAF2013-44677-R, SAF2016-78480-R, FIS PI12/00506, and FIS PI12/00969); the Spanish AIDS Research Network RD16CIII/0002/0001 that is included in Acción Estratégica en Salud, Plan Nacional de Investigación Científica, Desarrollo e Innovación Tecnológica 2016-2020, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, European Region Development Fund (ERDF); Bristol-Myers Squibb [BMS AI471-041]. The work of Elena Mateos is supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness SAF2016-78480-R. The work of María Rosa López-Huertas is financed by ISCIII-Subdirección General de Evaluacion and European Funding for Regional Development (FEDER) and by Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (PIE 13/00040). Dr. Montserrat Plana is a researcher at the Institut d'Investigacions Biomèdiques August Pi i Sunyer (IDIBAPS) and is supported by the Spanish Health Institute Carlos III (ISCIII) and the Health Department of the Catalan Government (Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain). Dr. Juan Ambrosioni developed this work in the framework of a 'Juan de la Cierva 2012' post-doctoral program, Ministerio de Competitividad. Dr. Jose M. Miró received a personal 80:20 research grant from IDIBAPS (Barcelona, Spain), 2017-2019. ; Sí