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Discusses "baseball diplomacy," a term used by the US media to describe the 1999 exhibition games between the Baltimore (MD) Orioles & the Cuban national baseball team. It is maintained that diplomacy is an erroneous term because no government negotiations or discourse were involved. Nonetheless, it is argued that sport & politics are inextricably connected, as evidenced by international politics surrounding the Olympic Games. Sport was originally an activity of the ruling elite of colonial empires &, although they no longer participate directly, the political & economic elite still maintain control over the organization of sport through ownership of teams, stadiums, & the media. The difference between diplomatic & cultural exchanges like the US-Cuba baseball games is discussed, noting different assumptions about baseball's role in each country. The link between the development of modern sports & the elite's establishment of consent to rule is discussed, along with the Cuban government's use of sport to legitimate its existence, suggesting that the baseball games were politically significant in Cuba but not in the US. J. Lindroth

There has been a veritable explosion across various disciplines "discovering" ethnography over the past three decades. This article argues that the proliferation of "ethnography" outside anthropological circles has led to some pervasive interrelated misconceptions about ethnography, misconceptions reinforced by some of the reflective debates within anthropology. Consequently, this article argues that the broadening interdisciplinary discussions of "ethnographic methods" obscure the actuality of ethnography. Practitioners in these disciplines often discuss how they use "ethnographic methods," as if these "methods" are the equivalent of engaging in ethnography. As a result, some rather significant differences in the way disciplines conceive and practice ethnography emerge because of how ethnography itself is conceptualized rather than how it is practiced. Ethnography is not simply an amalgamation of constituent parts; it is a sum greater than its constituent parts. There is more to ethnography than either its methods or its texts. Although ethnography is also about the kinds of stories, narratives, and diverse ways in which knowledge is produced and its findings are presented, ethnography is so much more than a literary endeavor. All the research methods found in ethnography are used in other forms of research, yet said methods, in and of themselves, do not make ethnography unique nor make an ethnography. Ethnography is much larger, profound, and illuminating.

Interest in international sport migration has been burgeoning recently. This article considers the dominant theoretical models used to explore these movements and suggests that it is time to rethink some of our theoretical presumptions. Recent permutations of these theoretical models, shifting from globalization to network theoretical models, make this reconsideration of migration-related theories necessary. Drawing on the groundbreaking work done in the 1990s and on Rafaelle Poli's rapidly expanding body of work, it becomes apparent that a more flexible, open-ended theoretical model is necessary. This article reviews these theoretical models before making a suggestion of how international sport migration might be better framed for understanding how migration is structured and experienced in multiple locations around the world. Considering that migrants are bodies moving through space, it seems crucial to return migrants to space-based models of movement thereby advocating a theoretical model that takes into account the complexly dynamic relationships between migrants, institutions, and places.