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Objective The objective was to demonstrate anthropomorphism needs to communicate contextually useful information to increase user confidence and accurately calibrate human trust in automation. Background Anthropomorphism is believed to improve human-automation trust but supporting evidence remains equivocal. We test the Human-Automation Trust Expectation Model (HATEM) that predicts improvements to trust calibration and confidence in accepted advice arising from anthropomorphism will be weak unless it aids naturalistic communication of contextually useful information to facilitate prediction of automation failures. Method Ninety-eight undergraduates used a submarine periscope simulator to classify ships, aided by the Ship Automated Modelling (SAM) system that was 50% reliable. A between-subjects 2 × 3 design compared SAM appearance (anthropomorphic avatar vs. camera eye) and voice inflection (monotone vs. meaningless vs. meaningful), with the meaningful inflections communicating contextually useful information about automated advice regarding certainty and uncertainty. Results Avatar SAM appearance was rated as more anthropomorphic than camera eye, and meaningless and meaningful inflections were both rated more anthropomorphic than monotone. However, for subjective trust, trust calibration, and confidence in accepting SAM advice, there was no evidence of anthropomorphic appearance having any impact, while there was decisive evidence that meaningful inflections yielded better outcomes on these trust measures than monotone and meaningless inflections. Conclusion Anthropomorphism had negligible impact on human-automation trust unless its execution enhanced communication of relevant information that allowed participants to better calibrate expectations of automation performance. Application Designers using anthropomorphism to calibrate trust need to consider what contextually useful information will be communicated via anthropomorphic features.

The objective of this study was to assess the impact on young people of three tobacco industry (TI) advertisements previously screened on MTV Europe and in cinemas in Australia. The three ads were exposed to 14–18-year-old smokers and non-smokers using commercial advertising copy-testing techniques. The primary dependent variable for both smokers and non-smokers was the advertisement's ability to increase feelings of not wanting to smoke in the future, and, for smokers, the extent to which the ad made current smokers think they should try to stop smoking. The results for the TI ads were compared with copy testing data for youth-targeted Western Australian tobacco control (TC) ads. The TI ads performed as well or better than some TC ads, but not as well as other TC ads suggesting that attacks on the tobacco industry for airing smoking prevention ads cannot always use these ads' ineffectiveness as an argument for their removal. However, these tobacco industry ads may increase positive (or lessen negative) attitudes toward the tobacco industry, which could further the industry's aims of increased support or less criticism from community groups. It may be that this is the more important reason for advocates to call for such ads to be withdrawn.

The objective of this case study was to experimentally manipulate the impact on arousal and recall of two characteristics frequently occurring in gruesome depictions of body parts in smoking cessation advertisements: the presence or absence of an external physical insult to the body part depicted; whether or not the image contains a clear figure/ground demarcation. Three hundred participants (46% male, 54% female; mean age 27.3 years, SD = 11.4) participated in a two-stage online study wherein they viewed and responded to a series of gruesome 4-s video images. Seventy-two video clips were created to provide a sample of images across the two conditions: physical insult versus no insult and clear figure/ground demarcation versus merged or no clear figure/ground demarcation. In stage one, participants viewed a randomly ordered series of 36 video clips and rated how "confronting" they considered each to be. Seven days later (stage two), to test recall of each video image, participants viewed all 72 clips and were asked to identify those they had seen previously. Images containing a physical insult were consistently rated more confronting and were remembered more accurately than images with no physical insult. Images with a clear figure/ground demarcation were rated as no more confronting but were consistently recalled with greater accuracy than those with unclear figure/ground demarcation. Makers of gruesome health warning television advertisements should incorporate some form of physical insult and use a clear figure/ground demarcation to maximize image recall and subsequent potential advertising effectiveness.