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Islamophobia, or anti-Muslim racism, rose to prominence with the publication of the Runnymede Trust (1997) report: "Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All." Since then, a range of studies have been undertaken on this phenomenon. Yet, despite the attention being paid to anti-Muslim racism internationally, up until the research discussed below, the experiences of Muslim communities vis-a-vis this phenomenon in Ireland were largely ignored. The research focused upon here commenced in 2010 in a context wherein Muslim communities were increasingly the focus of international racializing discourses--discourses which persist today. Furthermore, at the same time as this study started and at a national level, the infrastructure of the Irish equality mechanisms and monitoring bodies were being decimated as a result of so-called austerity measures. With that, whatever, albeit limited, insights that were available of lived anti-Muslim racism in Ireland were lost. In this context, the author set out to highlight the realities of anti-Muslim racism in Ireland utilizing differing research methods. However, before this could happen, the author, a non-Muslim White, Irish, formerly Catholic male, would have to gain access to Muslim communities in Ireland to work with them. In what follows, I will discuss how I gained this access and the methods used to address the questions discussed above. From here, I will spend some time discussing some of the less documented research issues that I feel are incredibly important in the context of researching racism with Muslim communities: including those relating to ethics, positionality, and reflexivity.

An unapologetic, brutal memoir from notorious 60s career criminal James Carr. BAD covers Carr's life from his first arrest for burning down his school at age 9, through merciless stints in San Quentin, where he shared a cell with famed Soledad Brother George Jackson, through his tragic post-incarceration murder in San Jose in 1972. A savage indictment of the American penal system, this classic release has new significance as part of a growing, urgent demand for criminal justice reform

Introduction -- Conducting "race" in a neoliberal world -- De-constructing islamophobia -- Measuring anti-muslim racism : Ireland and abroad -- Conducting hearts and minds : anti-muslim racism in a neoliberal state -- Neoliberal governmentalities of "care" : rhetoric and anti-muslim racism in Ireland -- Janus turned : (counter)productive policing -- Opportunities for positive change in the recording and reporting of anti-muslim racism in neoliberal Ireland -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Methodology -- Appendix 2: Hate mail sent to muslim communities in Dublin, November 2013 -- Bibliography

Muslim communities have been racialized as 'Other' for over 1,400 years.1 The manner in which the figure of the Muslim has been invoked as a threat across the centuries demonstrates the importance of recognizing the ideological context if we are to fully understand the nuances of Islamophobic 'thinking.' The aim of this paper is to situate the Islamophobia of today within neoliberalism as the globally dominant, hegemonic ideology of our time.2 As is discussed below, Muslim communities are today racialized as the uncivilized 'Other,' embodying dispositions of how not to be neoliberal. Constructing Muslim communities as such serves to legitimize the neoliberal, neo-colonial project 'over there' and at home in the metropole. This paper details the manner in which contemporary neoliberal civilizing missions operate from above, akin to a form of hard-power, and below, winning hearts and minds, through 'a full-blown social program'3 to create neoliberal citizens, while penalizing those that refuse to participate.4

In 2015, El Salvador became the murder capital of the world. Like its Central American neighbors, El Salvador has experienced a significant increase in gang violence during the past decade, as evidenced by its 2015 homicide statistics showing over 6,600 registered homicides in the country despite a population of only 6.3 million people. Rising crime rates and widespread gang influence are forcing many affected Central Americans to seek asylum in the United States. Individuals may qualify for asylum if they have a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. Some of the most recent immigration case law explores the definition of membership in a particular social group. In 2013, the Ninth Circuit's decision in Henriquez-Rivas created a new particular social group by extending asylum eligibility to individuals who witness and testify to serious crimes committed by gangs. Henriquez-Rivas eliminates the requirement for a particular social group to be visible to the naked eye. According to the Ninth Circuit, if a proposed particular social group is understood by society to constitute a group, then that group is "socially distinct" and therefore cognizable. This Comment argues that the particular social group created by Henriquez-Rivas should be expanded to include people who report serious gang crimes to law enforcement without the need to testify in court.

peer-reviewed ; In 2000 the Irish government received a report on the dangers of Environmental Tobacco Smoke to non-smokers. Acting on this advice the Irish government set about implementing policies that would see the elimination of cigarette smoking in all work places in Ireland. This paper contends that the acceptance of the resultant government legislation by the general public has been reflective of changing norms in contemporary Irish society.However, it is argued that legislative change was driven not by widespread public opinion but by what Becker (1963) referred to as 'moral entrepreneurs' in the form of health promotion interest groups. It is argued that these groups saw legislative change, not just as an opportunity to enforce behavioural change but also as part of a larger process of denormalising smoking in Irish society. Efforts to change social norms relative to smoking continue today. More recently, the Office of Tobacco control has moved to continue this transformation of what is acceptable in society by making a targeted effort to stem the recruitment of young smokers by tobacco companies. This paper will explore these recent smoking-related developments in Ireland as part of ongoing interest group involvement on the creation of new norms.