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Vol. 1: Major companies of South East Asia. - 350 S. - ISBN 0-86010-697-7; Vol. 2: Major companies of East Asia. - 450 S. - ISBN 0-86010-699-3

Chapter 19 of the Handbook of Ecocultural Identity builds upon recent research into the origins of political identity, outlining a broader preliminary hypothesis that the longstanding tension between 'left' and 'right' political biases has evolved, in part, to serve ecological purposes. Carr and Milstein engage in an experimental re-reading of pre-European contact Hawai'ian history, tracing how political disposition helped populations respond to changing relations between population size and ecological carrying capacity. Specifically, in times of plenty, there was a predominance of political approaches congruent with contemporary tenets of 'left' politics – including a broad definition of 'in group' belonging and openness to difference and novelty – all of which facilitated the growth of populations to meet available resources. In contrast, where populations met or exceeded ecological capacity, political approaches associated with tenets of today's 'right' politics – including suspicion, hostility to outsiders, and aggression – came to the fore, as violent conflict enabled groups to increase access to resources, while simultaneously and incidentally reducing populations. The authors contrast the potential survival functions of these historic emplaced ecopolitical identities with the current era, in which increasingly urbanized populations are removed from the direct influence of ecological patterns of scarcity and plenty, which are instead produced by capitalist political economies. Carr and Milstein close by exploring the ecological and cultural regenerative capacity of both 'left' and 'right' political identities in the contemporary epoch

Many new media technologies, such as the internet, serve both as a tool for organizing public commo ns and as a tool for surveilling private lives. This paper addresses the manner in which such technological innovations have enabled a dramatically expanded market for public policy opinion data, and explores the potential role of that market in facilitating panoptic regimes of both private and state surveillance. Whereas information about public policy opinion used to be highly reductive, expensive to collect, and restricted to a limited number of powerful political actors, today it is much less expensive, highly nuanced, and widely available. Pollsters now also have the ability to extrapolate political information from our commercial and noncommercial activities. We investigate the work of two organizations, a public policy polling firm named Grapevine Polling, and an advocacy consulting firm named United Campaigns. We find that both the increased sophistication of these firms' methods and the reduced cost of increasingly personalized data together have the potential to undermine the very public sphere that digital media were hoped to reinvigorate. Moreover, overlapping state and private demand for the products of such pollsters reflects the extent to which politics and the marketplace are increasingly intertwined and inseparable under the current articulation of democracy in the US.