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"A groundbreaking work that retells modern history through the rise and spread of written constitutions-some enlightened, many oppressive-to every corner of the globe. Filling a crucial void in our understanding of world history, Linda Colley reconfigures the rise of the modern world over three centuries through the advent of written constitutions. Her absorbing work challenges accepted narratives, focusing on rulers like Catherine the Great, who wrote her enlightened Nakaz years before the French Revolution; African visionaries like Sierra Leone's James Africanus Beale Horton; and Tunisias's soldier-constitutionalist Khayr-al-Din, who championed constitutional reform in the Muslim world. Demonstrating how constitutions repeatedly evolved in tandem with warfare, and how they were used to free, but also exclude, people (especially women and indigenous populations), this handsomely illustrated history-with its pageant of powerful monarchs, visionary lawmakers, and insurrectionist rebels-evokes The Silk Roads in its range and ambition. Whether reinterpreting the lasting influence of Japan's 1889 Meiji constitution or exploring the first constitution to enfranchise women in tiny Pitcairn Island in 1838, this book is one of the most original and absorbing histories in decades"--

In English history the years between 1714 and 1760 are peculiar in two ways. They have received only scant attention from historians, and they witnessed the exclusion of the tory sector of the nation's landed elite from all central as well as from prime local offices. In this book Linda Colley explores the fate of the tory party which has dominated both Parliament and the constituencies throughout of the reigns of William III and Anne. She refutes any simple identification of the party with cryto-Jacobitism, and explains both the ideological, electoral, and organisational factors which enabled it to survive under the early Hanoverians, and the circumstances which prevented it from regaining total or limited access to the political centre. Like canaries down a mine, the proscribed tories are also used to gauge the atmosphere of their high-and low-political environment. By examining the tory party's persistent if unavailing parliamentary lobbies and opinion, Dr Colley brings into question many of the current orthodoxies about England's political stability under George I and George II, and casts doubt on the repidity and novelty of political and social developments thereafter

Public sector employment security is a central tenet of the public service bargain in many countries to provide continuity beyond an electoral cycle and support frank and fearless advice. Employment security was often an implicit condition, diluted by rounds of public management reform and the global financial crisis (GFC), but retained in some form. Following reforms and downsizing in the 1990s in the Australian state of Queensland, unions redressed the implicit nature of employment security by institutionalizing it in formal policies, enforceable regulations, and collective agreements. The research focuses on policy changes under a government with a large electoral majority that was prepared to breach its electoral commitments, and the institutional arrangements in these employment policies and collective agreements. It highlights the power of government as both employer and legislator, and the potential fragility of the public service bargain when a government has the will to exercise that power.

Fifty years ago, in late 1966, the Australian Public Service officially removed the "marriage bar" policy that had prevented the recruitment or continued employment of married women. The anniversary of this historic milestone is an opportunity to reflect on the introduction and removal of the marriage bar and to reflect on the policy change process and lessons that can be applied to the continuing struggle for gender equality at work. The research uses John Kingdon's framework for policy change to examine the delays and obstacles to the removal of the marriage bar. It highlights a number of occasions when the window of opportunity for policy change was briefly open but rapidly closed again due to changing political and economic circumstances.

The traditional career service model of public employment was ostensibly based on the merit principle, designed to ensure employment on what you knew rather than who you knew, and to remove patronage. However, the image of public servants is often poor, and many are perceived as having little real merit. This article reviews approaches to merit in the Queensland state public service. It finds that, in earlier times, the merit principle was often enshrined in primary and subordinate legislation, but was subsequently moderated by social values including gender and class discrimination, and by circumstances such as wars. This had implications for the skill levels and quality of public employees, and therefore for public policy and public services. In recent decades, the merit principle has been subjected to extensive redefinition and has been subordinated to the desire for greater political control of public services, and pursuit of 'responsiveness'.