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Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- One The Nature of Practical Action -- Two The Nature of Freedom and Rights -- Three The Nature of Power and Property -- Four The Nature of Virtue -- Five The Nature of What Is Common -- Six The Nature of Goods -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index.

"Amidst the seemingly endless books on more and more narrowly specialized topics within politics, Mark Blitz offers something very different. Reason and Politics: The Nature of Political Phenomena examines the central phenomena of political life in order to clarify their meaning, source, and range. Blitz gives particular attention to the notions of freedom, rights, justice, virtue, power, property, nationalism, and the common good. At the same time, Blitz shows how, in order to understand political matters correctly, we must also understand how they affect us directly. We do not merely theorize over political questions; we experience them. Blitz also considers matters such as the powers and motions of the soul, the nature of experience, and the varieties of pleasure and attachment. Living at a time when technological change makes it difficult even to claim convincingly that there are defining human characteristics and natural limits that we simply cannot change, Reason and Politics proposes that there are in fact basic phenomena not only in politics, but that make up human affairs as such. In examining these central phenomena in a lucid and articulate manner, this book makes a unique contribution not only to the study of politics but also to the study of philosophy more broadly. It will interest undergraduate and graduate students, political scientists and philosophers, those interested in politics, and general readers"--

Mark Blitz defends the principles of American conservatism, countering many of the narrow or mistaken views that have arisen from both its friends and its foes. He asserts that individual liberty is the most powerful, reliable, and true standpoint from which to clarify and secure conservatism—but that individual freedom alone cannot produce happiness. The author shows that, to fully grasp conservatism's merits, we must we also understand the substance of responsibility, toleration, and other virtues

Mark Blitz defends the principles of American conservatism, countering many of the narrow or mistaken views that have arisen from both its friends and its foes. He asserts that individual liberty is the most powerful, reliable, and true standpoint from which to clarify and secure conservatism, but that individual freedom alone cannot produce happiness. The author shows that, to fully grasp conservatism's merits, we must we also understand the substance of responsibility, toleration, and other virtues.

Contents -- Introduction -- PART ONE: Politics and Virtue -- 1 The World of the Dialogues -- 2 Virtue -- 3 Virtue and Politics: The Laws -- PART TWO: Politics and Philosophy -- 4 The Roots of Philosophy -- 5 Beauty and Nobility -- 6 Philosophy and Politics: The Republic -- PART THREE: Politics and Knowledge -- 7 Pleasure and the Soul -- 8 Knowledge and Illusion -- 9 Knowledge and Politics: The Statesman -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Z

The Port Huron Statement was one of the most important manifestos of the New Left in the United States. A foundational statement of the theme of "participatory democracy," the text had an important influence on post-1960s politics and, arguably, on post-1960s political science. The recent publication of a new edition of the Statement is an occasion for reflection on its importance. And so we have invited a distinguished cast of political scientists shaped by the events of the sixties to comment on the impact of the Statement on their own way of envisioning and practicing political science.

The back cover of Clarissa Rile Hayward and Todd Swanstrom's Justice and the American Metropolis concisely lays out a central challenge of contemporary politics: "Today's American cities and suburbs are the sites of 'thick injustice'—unjust power relations that are deeply and densely concentrated as well as opaque and seemingly intractable. Thick injustice is hard to see, to assign responsibility for, and to change." The fact that the topic of "urban politics" is not a major theme of political science scholarship both reflects and exacerbates this challenge. And so we have decided to invite a diverse group of social scientists to discuss the book in light of the very big question that it poses: How do American cities look when assessed in terms of their "justice" (or "injustice"), and how might they look if they were assessed in these terms more seriously? In considering this question, discussants have also been asked to consider a related question: How does American political science look when assessed in terms of the extent to which it takes the question of urban justice and injustice seriously?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor