Suchergebnisse

Very high rates of injury and death during the 1990s were linked with increased alcohol availability and misuse in discrete Indigenous communities in rural and remote Queensland (Australia). To address widespread concerns about a public health crisis, from 2002, the Queensland Government implemented alcohol control strategies known as 'Alcohol Management Plans' (AMPs) in 19 of these communities. Although resources for prevention and treatment were promised, AMPs became increasingly focused on local prohibition, restricted access to alcohol and punitive measures for breaching restrictions. An examination of legislation, regulations, explanatory notes, and published documents indicates this focus evolved across four phases since 2002. The first phase, from 2002 to 2004, saw 'restricted areas' with alcohol 'carriage limits' introduced, restricting the amounts and types of liquor permitted within some communities. The second phase (2002–2007) featured evaluations and reviews by the Queensland Government bringing recommendations for more stringent controls. Additionally, beyond the 'restricted areas', licenced premises situated within the 'catchments' of the targeted communities, mainly located in the nearby regional towns, became subject to 'minimising harm' provisions. These more stringent controls were implemented widely in the third phase (2008–2011) when: the operations of seven community-managed liquor outlets were terminated; the trading arrangements of two others were modified; Police powers to search and seize were increased; and 'attempting' to take liquor into a 'restricted area' also became an offence. Some communities have seen a reduction in alcohol-related harms that have been attributed to these alcohol control strategies. This commentary maps the recent regulatory history of Queensland's alcohol controls targeting discrete Indigenous communities highlighting their increasing focus on punitive measures to reduce access to alcohol. With AMPs in Queensland currently under Government review, and with ...

Background: Indigenous children in Australia are more likely than non-Indigenous children to be in contact with the child safety system. A large number of Queensland's Indigenous population live in remote and isolated communities in north Queensland where the state government's Alcohol Management Plans (AMPs) are in effect. In these communities it is an offence to have in one's possession more than the regulated amount and type of alcohol. A breach of these restrictions can result in convictions under the Liquor Act 1992. Findings: During an evaluation of AMPs, influential stakeholders and key service providers voiced their belief that a conviction for a breach of the AMP would impact a person's eligibility to hold a Positive Notice Blue Card (PNBC). On its own, however, a breach of the Liquor Act 1992 will not impact a person's eligibility for a PNBC. A PNBC is required for any person volunteering or working with children. Without a PNBC, a person is ineligible to work in child-related employment, volunteer at child-related activities or provide out-of-home care for children. Conclusion: This misconception needs to be addressed in these already-disadvantaged communities to ensure that Indigenous community members have every opportunity to hold a PNBC. Focused strategies with evaluation and research are needed in this important policy area.

Abstract Background In Australia, 'Alcohol Management Plans' (AMPs) provide the policy infrastructure for State and Commonwealth Governments to address problematic alcohol use among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. We report community residents' experiences of AMPs in 10 of Queensland's 15 remote Indigenous communities. Methods This cross-sectional study used a two-stage sampling strategy: N = 1211; 588 (48%) males, 623 (52%) females aged ≥18 years in 10 communities. Seven propositions about 'favourable' impacts and seven about 'unfavourable' impacts were developed from semi-structured interviews. For each proposition, one-sample tests of proportions examined participant agreement and multivariable binary logistic regressions assessed influences of gender, age (18–24, 25–44, 45–64, ≥65 years), residence (≥6 years), current drinking and Indigenous status. Confirmatory factor analyses estimated scale reliability ( ρ ), item loadings and covariances. Results Slim majorities agreed that: AMPs reduced violence (53%, p = 0.024); community a better place to live (54%, 0.012); and children were safer (56%, p < 0.001). More agreed that: school attendance improved (66%, p < 0.001); and awareness of alcohol's harms increased (71%, p < 0.001). Participants were equivocal about improved personal safety (53%, p = 0.097) and reduced violence against women (49%, p = 0.362). The seven 'favourable' items reliably summarized participants' experiences of reduced violence and improved community amenity ( ρ = 0.90). Stronger agreement was found for six 'unfavourable' items: alcohol availability not reduced (58%, p < 0.001); drinking not reduced (56%, p < 0.001)); cannabis use increased (69%, p < 0.001); more binge drinking (73%, p < 0.001); discrimination experienced (77%, p < 0.001); increased .

Background: In Australia, 'Alcohol Management Plans' (AMPs) provide the policy infrastructure for State and Commonwealth Governments to address problematic alcohol use among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. We report community residents' experiences of AMPs in 10 of Queensland's 15 remote Indigenous communities. Methods: This cross-sectional study used a two-stage sampling strategy: N = 1211; 588 (48%) males, 623 (52%) females aged ≥18 years in 10 communities. Seven propositions about 'favourable' impacts and seven about 'unfavourable' impacts were developed from semi-structured interviews. For each proposition, one-sample tests of proportions examined participant agreement and multivariable binary logistic regressions assessed influences of gender, age (18–24, 25–44, 45–64, ≥65 years), residence (≥6 years), current drinking and Indigenous status. Confirmatory factor analyses estimated scale reliability (ρ), item loadings and covariances. Results: Slim majorities agreed that: AMPs reduced violence (53%, p = 0.024); community a better place to live (54%, 0.012); and children were safer (56%, p < 0.001). More agreed that: school attendance improved (66%, p < 0.001); and awareness of alcohol's harms increased (71%, p < 0.001). Participants were equivocal about improved personal safety (53%, p = 0.097) and reduced violence against women (49%, p = 0.362). The seven 'favourable' items reliably summarized participants' experiences of reduced violence and improved community amenity (ρ = 0.90). Stronger agreement was found for six 'unfavourable' items: alcohol availability not reduced (58%, p < 0.001); drinking not reduced (56%, p < 0.001)); cannabis use increased (69%, p < 0.001); more binge drinking (73%, p < 0.001); discrimination experienced (77%, p < 0.001); increased fines, convictions and criminal records for breaching restrictions (90%, p < 0.001). Participants were equivocal (51% agreed, p = 0.365) that police could enforce restrictions effectively. 'Unfavourable' items were not ...