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Although a history of protest politics has done so much to define western Canada and to place it outside the Canadian mainstream, the aspirations and frustrations that animated western discontent over the years have been replaced by a new reality: the West is in, and many of the levers of national economic and political power rest in western Canadian hands. The protest tradition has yielded a dynamic region that leads rather than reacts to national economic, social, and political change. The westward shift of the Canadian economy and demography is likely to be an enduring structural change that reflects and is reinforced by the transformation of the continental and global economies. At the same time, western Canada faces major challenges, including finding a place for a sustainable resource economy in a rapidly changing global environment, establishing a full and modern partnership with Aboriginal peoples, and creating urban environments that will attract and retain human capital. None of these challenges are unique to the West but they all play out with great force, and great immediacy, in western Canada

AbstractWhile the concept of federal political culture has been attractive to federalism scholars, Canada has proved to be a puzzling case and generated contradictory results across studies. We test a new definition of Canadian federal political culture using original survey data and find that Canadians have moderate levels of federal political culture driven by a utopian view of federalism in which the promotion of diversity should be achieved without any negative consequences for the unity of the polity. We also find that Quebecers and other Canadians have similar levels of federal political culture and that the results are consistent when survey questions are altered to take out country-specific references.

There is widespread discussion about the need to develop and enhance the career prospects of PhD graduates, and many Canadian universities are seeking to provide professional development programs and mentorship specifically for doctoral students. This paper considers doctoral career preparation from thedepartment level through an in-depth examination of how Canadian political science departments approach the issue, drawing on a survey of department chairs. We find that departments are supportive of professional development; while departments are not in the position to provide extensive programs andstruggle to integrate efforts systematically, they are well-positioned to participate in collaborative approaches and welcome improved communication and coordination. We argue that graduate faculties should consult with departments and engage them in professional development program design, perhapstailoring to specific disciplines as needed, and that departments should look for opportunities to work with graduate faculties before initiating their own programs. ; Cet article examine la préparation à la carrière des étudiants du doctorat au niveau des départements, à travers un examen approfondi de la façon dont les départements de sciences politiques canadiens abordent la question. Un sondage réalisé auprès des directeurs de département permet de constater que ceux-ci appuient le développement professionnel. Bien que les départements ne soient pas en mesure de fournir des programmes de préparation à la carrière de grande envergure et aient du mal à intégrer systématiquement les efforts, ils sont bien placés pour participer à des approches collaboratives et souhaitent une amélioration de la communication et de la coordination. Nous soutenons que les facultés d'études supérieures devraient consulter les départements et les faire participer à la conception de programmes de développement professionnel, en les adaptant éventuellement à certaines disciplines au besoin, et que les départements devraient rechercher les occasions de travailler avec les facultés d'études supérieures.

Abstract.This paper explores how citizenship norms of duty to vote and to volunteer in one's community influence political participation, and the role of group identities in producing these norms. By showing how citizenship norms influence an array of political activities, and by drawing on social psychology literature that shows how citizenship norms are shaped by group identifications, the paper offers a more complete picture of the relationship between citizenship norms and political participation beyond traditional civic duty/federal vote models that currently dominate Canadian political research. The central argument forwarded is that not only do citizenship norms matter to political participation, but that group identities matter, too.Résumé.Cette étude explore les effets sur la participation politique des normes relatives au devoir du citoyen de voter et de contribuer à sa communauté, de même que le rôle des identités de groupe dans la production de ces normes. En montrant comment les normes de citoyenneté influencent une foule d'activités politiques et en puisant dans la littérature en psychologie sociale, qui montre comment ces normes sont formées par des identifications de groupe, cette étude aide à mieux comprendre la relation entre ces normes et la participation politique au-delà du cadre traditionnel devoir civique / vote fédéral qui domine actuellement la recherche en politique canadienne. La thèse avancée est que les normes de citoyenneté jouent effectivement un rôle important dans la participation politique, tout comme les identités de groupe.

Canadian researchers and policymakers have paid limited attention to the health care needs of Aboriginal seniors. This lack of attention is problematic, as the situation of Aboriginal seniors – including both status and non-status First Nations, Métis and Inuit – is particularly bleak. Using Winnipeg, Regina and Saskatoon as examples, this paper analyses the health care challenges facing Aboriginal seniors in urban Canada. We ask, what policy approaches are needed to improve the health and wellbeing of urban Aboriginal seniors so that they can have good quality living reflective of their needs and culture? We suggest that, in thinking through present and future health services for urban Aboriginal seniors, policymakers should consider four key factors: socioeconomic conditions; underutilization of urban health services; jurisdiction; and elder abuse.