Suchergebnisse

IN THIS REPLY TO "THE ECOLOGICAL CHALLENGE OF MARXISM" BY REINER GRUNDMANN, THE AUTHOR MAINTAINS THAT TRADITIONAL MARXISM, THOUGH NOT BLIND TO SOME ECOLOGICAL PROBLEMS, STILL RESTS ON A THEORY THAT FAILS TO REGISTER THE WAYS IN WHICH NATURAL PROCESSES OTHER THAN HUMAN LABOR CONTRIBUTE TO THE LIFEWORLD UPON WHICH ALL MEN DEPEND.

MANY ON THE LEFT FIND A SOURCE OF HOPE IN THE REALIGNMENT OF GREEN AND SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVES. BUT IMPORTANT CURRENTS WITHIN GREEN POLITICS AND CULTURE ARE HOSTILE TO SOCIALISM (AS THEY UNDERSTAND IT), WHILE THE RESPONSE OF THE SOCIALIST LEFT TO THE RISE OF ECOLOGICAL POLITICS HAS GENERALLY BEEN DEEPLY AMBIGUOUS. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR ENDEAVORS TO (1) DEMONSTRATE THAT THESE TENSIONS AND OPPOSITIONS HAVE DEEP ROOTS IN THE MOST INFLUENTIAL INTELLECTUAL TRADITION ON THE LEFT AND (2) PROVIDE SOME NEW CONCEPTUAL MARKERS THAT COULD PLAY A PART IN FACILITATING THE GROWING RED/GREEN DIALOGUE.

Argues that while Marx's work did characteristically denounce capital's pillaging of the natural environment, Marx's most developed account of the labour process failed to register natural limits or to grasp the vital and precarious contribution of natural cycles and resources. (Abstract amended)

In the first section of this paper I note a parallel between certain problems generated by Steven Lukes's `three-dimensional' view of power, and what I call the `paradox of emancipation' in certain traditions of Marxist thought. Lukes's critique of what he calls the `one' and `two-dimensional' views of power is next reviewed, and Lukes's own `three-dimensional' view subjected to analysis and criticism. Lukes's definition of power in terms of interests is identified as a major source of difficulty, and three distinct ways of constructing a distinction between `real' interests and `subjective' interests, or preferences are identified in Lukes's work. In the fourth section of the paper I present an alternative conception, or `view' of power which, I argue, sustains the essential features of Lukes's critique of the one- and two-dimensional views, but which, by severing the definitional tie between power and interests, avoids the value dependence of Lukes's own view of power. Finally, I make explicit a view of interests which runs counter to that which, I hold, Lukes, Connolly, et al. have in common with more orthodox political scientists. I go on to indicate the place of this concept in the formation and re-formation of personal and social identities, and briefly indicate its bearing on what I earlier called the `paradox of emancipation'.

Over the past decade, cohesion and integration have been a key concern for policymakers in countries across Europe and North America. The rapid increase in immigration, coupled with the perception of rapid social change and instability, is seen to have presented communities and governments with a range of 'new' challenges. In the attendant debates, schools are often presented as part of the solution to these challenges, but much remains unknown about the relationship between schools and community cohesion. This article therefore explores the role of schools as a site of socialisation for children and young people and their role in fostering the attitudes, behaviours and norms that are typically associated with citizens in a cohesive society. This article focuses in particular on the role of school demographics and school climate and uses longitudinal data from students in England to examine these relationships. © The Author(s) 2013.

In 1995 a vigorous movement to stop the export of live animals gained unexpected support and closed the trade from several Essex ports, pitting whole populations against the police and veal traffickers; supplies an account of the wider significance of this movement. (Original abstract-amended)