Statelessness in the Caribbean: the paradox of belonging in a postnational world
In: Pennsylvania studies in human rights
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In: Pennsylvania studies in human rights
In: Pennsylvania Studies in Human Rights
Statelessness in the Caribbean demonstrates how people can be forcibly displaced under nonconflict conditions without having fled a home, and how democracies force people into statelessness--the condition of not being a citizen anywhere--through the cover of bureaucratic procedures, neutral laws, and sovereign claims to determine membership
In: Commonwealth and comparative politics, Band 57, Heft 1, S. 93-122
ISSN: 1743-9094
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 17-29
ISSN: 1747-7093
Statelessness, or the condition of being formally excluded from citizenship everywhere, has been deemed a "scourge" and "the most forgotten aspect of human rights in the international community" by the newly elected UN Secretary-General, António Guterres. In 2014 the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which has the mandate for the protection of stateless people globally, launched the #IBelong Campaign to eradicate statelessness by 2024. A key component of the campaign is its Global Action Plan to End Statelessness (GAP), which consists of ten actions for governments and other interested parties to undertake to end statelessness worldwide. Since the campaign's ability to end statelessness is only as strong as the regional and local actors who implement the GAP on the ground, this essay examines how the campaign has been implemented regionally. Given that Guterres and others have identified the Americas as having the potential to be the first region to end statelessness by 2024, the current essay evaluates the region's progress toward this goal.
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 30, Heft 4, S. 419-427
ISSN: 1747-7093
Belonging. The subject conjures up a realm of emotions. In today's world, where increasing numbers of people are on the move, whether voluntarily or forced, it captures the nostalgia one feels for a home left behind or the yearning one has for acceptance in a new community. It can produce feelings of joy or loss even from a distance, as when one follows political, sporting, or family events from afar. It encompasses sentiments of anguish, fear, and resentment when those who wish to belong are rejected or when those within a group feel threatened by those from without. For all the talk today of an interconnected, globalizing world where borders are "not just permeable, but . . . shot through with large holes," most of us still expect our national borders—the borders of the state where we belong—to be impenetrable, except through the preapproved legal channels.
In: Citizenship studies, Band 19, Heft 8, S. 907-921
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: Studies in ethnicity and nationalism: SEN, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 410-412
ISSN: 1754-9469
In: Political studies review, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 257-257
ISSN: 1478-9302
In: Political studies review, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 257
ISSN: 1478-9299
In: Journal of global ethics, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 59-71
ISSN: 1744-9634
In: Alternatives: global, local, political, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 193-215
ISSN: 2163-3150
This article examines how indigenous peoples use two unique spaces of a globalizing world–-cyberspace and the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues–-to make their claims, foment alliances, and assert their right of self-determination. It describes how indigenous peoples' use of these two spaces positions them so they are no longer simply reacting to globalizing processes and events but are situated so that others will have to contend with their alternative visions of the world. KEYWORDS: Internet, funding, globalization, Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, self-determination, United Nations
In this increasingly globalized world, with hundreds of millions of people living outside the country of their birth, and States guarding their sovereign right to control membership ever more closely, the number of children without secure citizenship status is on the rise. This article is a case study of non-citizen children in the Bahamas, focusing specifically on children born of Haitian parents without status, "Arendt's children". It examines how the Bahamas, a State party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), fails to consider adequately the best interests of the Bahamian-born non-citizen child in its laws and policies. It analyses how the Bahamas' ratification of relevant human rights treaties translates into practice at the domestic level and concludes with an examination of ways in which Arendt's children might be integrated into the Bahamian polity.
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In: Alternatives: global, local, political, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 193-217
ISSN: 0304-3754
In: Middle East Studies Association bulletin, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 254-256
In: The latin americanist: TLA, Band 53, Heft 1, S. 187-210
ISSN: 1557-203X