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AbstractAlthough induced abortion is common, measurement issues have long made this area of research challenging. The current analysis applies an indirect method known as the list experiment to try to improve survey‐based measurement of induced abortion. We added a double list experiment to a population‐based survey of reproductive age women in Rajasthan, India and compared resulting abortion estimates to those we obtained via direct questioning in the same sample. We then evaluated list experiment assumptions. The final sample completing the survey consisted of 6,035 women. Overall, 1.8 percent of the women reported a past abortion via the list experiment questions, whereas 3.5 percent reported an abortion via the direct questions, and this difference was statistically significant. As such, the list experiment failed to produce more valid estimates of this sensitive behavior on a population‐based survey of reproductive age women in Rajasthan, India. One explanation for the poor list experiment performance is our finding that key assumptions of the methodology were violated. Women may have mentally enumerated the treatment list items differently from the way they enumerated control list items. Further research is required to determine whether researchers can learn enough about how the list experiment performs in different contexts to effectively and consistently leverage its potential benefits to improve measurement of induced abortion.

We estimate the relationship between unmet need for contraception and coital frequency using data from the most recent Standard Demographic and Health Surveys conducted from 2005 to 2015. Individual‐level analyses include 55 countries (n=245,732 women). The dependent variable is women's report of any sex in the last four weeks; the independent variable is current unmet need. Bivariate ecological results using country averages indicate that prevalence of unmet need is significantly negatively correlated with the proportion reporting recent sexual activity. Multivariate regression of individual‐level data show that the overall odds ratio of having had sex in the last four weeks is 3.23 and 2.97 for women with met contraceptive need for spacing and limiting fertility, respectively, compared with women with unmet contraceptive need. These results suggest that current estimates of unmet need exaggerate the risk of unintended pregnancy because coital frequency is not uniform with respect to unmet need. Findings also suggest that, despite being categorized as having unmet need, many women may still be taking measures to control their fertility through regulating the tempo of marital coitus, thus reducing their risk of unintended pregnancy.

AbstractFertility researchers rely upon a simple binary: pregnant versus not pregnant. However, this conceptualization does not capture many women's experiences, both historically and in numerous settings today. We suggest that pregnancy status may be a much more ambiguous state, and that such ambiguity is often productive for women. Building a culturally sensitive understanding of what we are calling "productive ambiguity" can foster more rigorous studies of fertility that better capture potential pregnancy and the range of post‐coital fertility‐inhibiting actions women take, both intentionally and not. In this paper, we aim to: 1) describe the ambiguity that exists around pregnancy; 2) explain the ways in which this ambiguity is productive for women; 3) analyze two concrete examples of such ambiguity in practice: the case of menstrual regulation and the unexpected conceptual overlaps between contraception and early abortion in a variety of settings, and finally; 4) suggest ways that this more nuanced understanding might inform fertility research, including abortion measurement research. We combine recent qualitative and quantitative data with historical sources to analyze the cultural logics and power dynamics of this ambiguity.

The government of Nepal revised its law in 2002 to allow women to terminate a pregnancy up to 12 weeks gestation for any indication on request, and up to 18 weeks if certain conditions are met. We evaluated the readiness of facilities in Nepal to provide three abortion services, manual vacuum aspiration (MVA), medication abortion (MA) and post-abortion care (PAC), using the service availability and readiness assessment (SARA) framework. The framework consists broadly of three domains; service availability, general service readiness and service readiness specific to individual services (i.e. service-specific readiness). We applied the framework to data from the Nepal Health Facility Survey 2015, a nationally representative survey of 992 health facilities. Overall, we find that access to safe abortion remains limited in Nepal. Of the facilities that reported offering delivery services and were thus eligible to provide safe abortion services, 44.5, 36.0 and 25.6% had provided any MVA, MA or PAC services, respectively, in the 3 months prior to the survey, and < 2% were 'ready' to provide any abortion service based on our application of the SARA criteria for service-specific readiness. Among only the facilities that reported providing an abortion service in the 3 months prior to the survey, 3.2% of facilities that provided MVA, 1.5% of facilities that provided MA and 1.1% of the facilities that provided PAC had all the components of care required. Although the private sector conducted approximately half of all abortion services provided in the 3 months prior to the survey, no private sector facilities had all the abortion service-specific readiness components. Results suggest that accessing safe abortion services remains a significant challenge for Nepalese women, despite a set of permissive laws.

AbstractThe Global Gag Rule (GGR) makes non‐U.S. nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) ineligible for U.S. Government global health funding if they provide, refer, or promote access to abortion. This study quantitatively examines the impacts of the GGR on family planning service provision in Ethiopia. Using a panel of health facilities (2017–2020), we conduct a pre–post analysis to investigate the overall changes in family planning service provision before and after the policy came into effect in Ethiopia. Our pre–post analyses revealed post‐GGR reductions in the proportions of facilities reporting family planning provision through community health volunteers (−5.6, 95% CI [−10.2, −1.0]), mobile outreach visits (−13.1, 95% CI [−17.8, −8.4]), and family planning and postabortion care service integration (−4.8, 95% CI: [−9.1, −0.5]), as well as a 6.1 percentage points increase in contraceptive stock‐outs over the past three months (95% CI [−0.6, 12.8]). We further investigate the impacts of the GGR on facilities exposed to noncompliant organizations that did not sign the policy and lost U.S. funding. We do not find any significant additional impacts on facilities in regions more exposed to noncompliant organizations. Overall, while the GGR was slow to fully impact NGOs in Ethiopia, it ultimately resulted in negative impacts on family planning service provision.

BACKGROUND: Unsafe abortion remains a leading cause of maternal mortality globally. Many factors can influence women's decisions around where to seek abortion care; however, little research has been done on abortion care decisions at a population-level in low-resource settings, particularly where abortion is legally restricted. METHODS: This analysis uses data from a 2019–2020 follow-up survey of 1144 women in six Nigerian states who reported an abortion experience in a 2018 cross-sectional survey. We describe women's preferred and actual primary abortion care provider/location by distinguishing clinical, pharmacy/chemist, or other non-clinical providers or locations. We also examine factors that influence women's decisions about where to terminate their pregnancy and identify factors hindering women's ability to operationalize their preferences. We then examine the characteristics of women who were not able to use their preferred provider/location. RESULTS: Non-clinical providers (55.0%) were more often used than clinical providers (45.0%); however, clinical providers were preferred by most women (55.6%). The largest discrepancies in actual versus preferred abortion provider/location were private hospitals (7.6% actual versus 37.2% preferred), government hospitals (4.3% versus 22.6%), chemists (26.5% versus 5.9%) and pharmacies (14.9% versus 6.6%). "Privacy/confidentiality" was the most common main reason driving women's abortion provider/location choice (20.7%), followed by "convenience" (16.9%) and "recommended" by someone (12.3%), most often a friend (60.8%), although top reasons differed by type of provider/location. Cost and distance were the two most common reasons that women did not use their preferred provider/location (46.1% and 21.9%, respectively). There were no statistically significant differences in the sociodemographic characteristics between women who were able to use their preferred provider/location and those who were not able to implement their preferred choice, with the exception of state of ...

AbstractSocial network‐based methods are increasingly used to estimate induced abortion incidence and investigate correlates. Approaches differ in the social tie definitions used to identify which social network members' abortion experiences respondents will report. This study compares the effect of using the "best friend" (closest female friend) versus "confidante" (specifying mutual sharing of personal information) definition on abortion incidence estimation. We use data from a nationally representative survey of women aged 15–49 in Burkina Faso (conducted in 2020–2021) where respondents were randomized into two versions of an abortion module, using different friend definitions. We computed abortion rate estimates by friend definition and adjusted for assumption violations (transmission bias, surrogate sample selection bias). Unadjusted incidence rates varied from 11.7 [4.1–19.2] abortions per 1,000 women to 15.6 [9.7–21.4], depending on friend definition. The confidante definition yielded higher adjusted estimates (36.2 [25.1–47.2]) than the best friend definition (17.0 [8.7–25.3]) due to greater transmission bias adjustment. Both estimates exceeded the respondent self‐reported abortion incidence (4.0 [2.2–5.9]). Our results indicate that either friend definition produces higher incidence estimates than self‐report but suggest a potential advantage for the "best friend" over the "confidante" definition given lower transmission bias. Further research should assess generalizability of these findings in other contexts.

AbstractPost‐abortion contraception enables women to effectively manage their fertility to prevent unintended pregnancies. Using data from population‐based surveys of women aged 15–49 in Nigeria and Côte d'Ivoire, we examined contraceptive dynamics immediately before and after an abortion and examined factors associated with these changes using multivariable logistic regressions. Covariates included sociodemographic characteristics, abortion source, post‐abortion contraceptive communication (wanting to and actually talking to someone about contraception after abortion), and perceived contraceptive autonomy. We observed higher contraceptive use after abortion than before abortion. In Nigeria, wanting to talk to someone about contraception post‐abortion was associated with increased adoption and decreased discontinuation, whereas talking to someone about contraception post‐abortion was associated with increased adoption. Obtaining care from a clinical abortion source was associated with increased adoption and decreased discontinuation. Both post‐abortion contraceptive communication variables were associated with post‐abortion contraceptive use in both countries, whereas clinical source was only associated with post‐abortion contraceptive use in Nigeria. Our findings suggest that ensuring that women have access to safe abortion as part of the formal health care system and receive comprehensive, high‐quality post‐abortion care services that include contraceptive counseling enables them to make informed decisions about their fertility that align with their reproductive goals.

AbstractPerceived infertility is an understudied phenomenon in low‐ and middle‐income countries, where biomedical infertility can have severe consequences, particularly for women. We conducted a nationally representative survey of Ghanaian women, estimated the prevalence of and reasons for perceived infertility, and assessed factors associated with higher levels of perceived infertility using a partial proportional odds model. Among 4,070 women, 13 percent believed they were "very likely" to have difficulty getting pregnant when they wanted to, 21 percent believed this was "somewhat likely," and 66 percent believed this was "not at all likely." Reasons for perceived infertility varied by whether the respondent was currently seeking pregnancy. In multivariable analysis, several factors were associated with higher levels of perceived infertility, while unexpectedly, women who reported ever using contraception were less likely to report perceived infertility. Acknowledging the need to address infertility globally and understanding the role of perceived infertility are important components in supporting people's ability to decide whether and when to have children.