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summary In setting up peasant associations to implement the Land Reform Bill, the Ethiopian Government intended to redistribute land equally, set up local government institutions and foster the transition to socialism among the peasantry. This article examines the implementation of the bill by looking at the scope and performance of the peasant associations. It is argued that without popular political power at the central and local levels, the peasant associations cannot overcome the political, economic and social domination of the rich peasant class. The failure of land redistribution policy is thus explained by the hegemony of these classes and their supporters at the local state level. The paper demonstrates the transformation of the peasant associations into local organs of the central state with the intensification of the war in Eritrea and on the Somali border.Resumen Asociaciones de campesinos y reforma agraria en EtiopiaAl crear asociaciones de campesinos para poner a efecto el Decreto de Reforma Agraria, el Gobierno Etfope trató de redistribuir la tierra ecuánimemente, crear instituciones locales del gobierno y respaldar la transición al socialismo entre los campesinos. Este articulo estudia la puesta en efecto del decreto observando el objetivo y el rendimiento de las asociaciones de campesinos. Se argumenta que sin el poder politico popular a niveles central y local, las asociaciones de campesinos no pueden superarel dominio politico, económico y social de la clase rica de campesinos. El fallo de la politica de redistribución de la tierra se explica asi por la hegemonia de estas clases y quienes las respaldan a nivel estatal local. El articulo demuestra la transformación de las asociaciones de campesinos en órganos locales del estado central con la intensificación de la guerra en Eritrea y en la frontera de Somalia.Résumé Les associations de paysans et la réforme agraire en EthiopieEn créant des associations de paysans pour mettre en place la Loi sur la Réforme Agraire, le Gouvernement éthiopien avait l'intention de redistribuer la terre de manière juste, de mettre en place des institutions gouvernementales et de favoriser la transition vers le socialisme parmi les paysans. Cet article examine la mise en place de la loi en étudiant la portée et les réalisations des associations de paysans. On soutient que sans le pouvoir politique populaire aux niveaux central et local, les associations de paysans ne peuvent pas surmonter la domination politique, économique et sociale de la riche classe paysanne. L'échec de la politique de redistribution de la terre est ainsi expliquée par l'hégémonie de ces classes et de leurs défenseurs au niveau de l'état local. Le document démontre la transformation des associations de paysans en des organes locaux de l'état central avec l'intensification de la guerre en Erythrée et sur la frontière somalienne.

A central argument of this paper is that the conflicts in the Horn can be understood as a collision of geographical cycles: those established by the working out of local historical processes in the Horn; and those by the working out of historical processes at the global level, including crises in the international economy and the new Cold War. Weapons have been one of the crucial links between these cycles. They have also been central in the emergence of hegemonic cycles at the global level. Major powers aquire interests in global territory, airspace and oceans both to protect their own access to resources and to valorise their accumulation of arms and military power.

The first part of this article, which appeared in ROAPE30, set an explanation of the new militarisation of the Horn in two, interacting contexts: the long history of struggles between states in the Horn for hegemony, and the struggle for world hegemony that constitutes the New Cold War. This part offers a systematic review of the record of involvement of the USA and USSR in the Horn over the last 20 years and seeks to uncover the (different) motivations and compulsions that explain their behaviour.

AbstractPetroleum hydrocarbon (PHC) contamination is a widespread and severe environmental issue affecting many countries' resource sectors. PHCs are mixtures of hydrocarbon compounds with varying molar masses that naturally attenuate at different rates. Lighter fractions attenuate first, followed by medium-molar-mass constituents, while larger molecules remain for longer periods. This results in significant regulatory challenges concerning residual hydrocarbons in long-term contaminated soils. This study examined the potential risks associated with residual PHC and its implications for risk-based management of heavily contaminated soils (23,000–26,000 mg PHC/kg). Ecotoxicological properties, such as seedling emergence and growth of two native plant species—small Flinders grass (Iseilema membranaceum) and ruby saltbush (Enchylaena tomentosa)—and earthworm survival tests in PHC-contaminated soils, were assessed. Additionally, the effects of aging on the attenuation of PHC in contaminated soils were evaluated. Toxicity responses of plant growth parameters were determined as no-observed-effect concentrations: 75%–100% for seedling emergence, < 25%–75% for plant shoot height, and 75%–100% for earthworm survival. After 42 weeks of aging, the total PHC levels in weathered soils decreased by 14% to 30% and by 67% in diesel-spiked soil due to natural attenuation. Dehydrogenase enzyme activity in soils increased during the initial aging period. Furthermore, a clear shift of bacterial communities was observed in the soils following aging, including enrichment of PHC-resistant and -utilizing bacteria—for example, Nocardia sp. This study underscores the potential of natural attenuation for eco-friendly and cost-effective soil management, underlining that its success depends on site-specific factors like water content and nutrient availability. Therefore, we recommend detailed soil assessments to evaluate these conditions prior to adopting a risk-based management approach.