Suchergebnisse

Editors of "readers" (collections of articles focussing on a
particular topic) usually tread lightly on the hands of contributors
once they have been selected, but S. Chandrasekar's imprint is well
marked in this book which contains studies of Seven Asian countries,
Australia, an overview of Asia as a whole and two papers on Australia's
immigration policy. Chandrasekar's editorship is evident in two ways
which make this a unique and valuable collection of articles. All too
often, collections of articles are strung together in a loose way by an
often unbounded general theme. The articles are, therefore, uneven,
dealing solely with a particular scholar's particular academic interest.
This is useful, of course, in some cases, but in a "reader", designed to
deal with Asia's population problems, the purpose is better served by a
well-structured presentation of discussions having a similar
focus.

Life table techniques have been used fairly widely to
determine the working life of the labour force or work-life expectancy
[6; 7; 8; 18; 23]. The length of working life in developing countries,
however, is often unknown or estimates are based upon very rigid
assumptions which are not realistic given the conditions of labour in
such countries. For example, Mortara's international comparisons are
based upon the assumption that the activity ages are always 15 to 60
years only (6]. Such an assumption leads to a low estimate of work-life
expectancy in count¬ries such as Pakistan where the lower age of large
scale labour force participation is, at a minimum, age 10 as officially
defined in the labour force statistics and where individuals apparently
maintain some connection with the labour force during latter years of
life. Specific estimates of the length of working life depend upon
fairly refined data including age specific activity rates and a life
table. The 1961 Census of Pakistan and the Population Growth Estimation
project make such data now available for Pakistan. It is therefore the
purpose of this paper to utilize these data to generate and evaluate
work-life tables for the male population of East and West Pakistan. This
study is restricted to males since female labour force participation in
Pakistan is low and the movement of women in and out of the labour force
presents many unique problems which have only recently been solved in
countries where extensive statistical data are available. Furthermore
the analysis presented here deals with the two provinces separately
because of mortality [4] and labour differences.

Seventeen years ago (1952) the first organized family-planning
programmes were started in Pakistan by the Family Planning Tanning
Association of Pakistan. Since that time family planning has passed
through three distinct phases, and it is now in a fourth phase. Phase I
was marked by the unofficial activities of voluntary organizations such
as the Family Planning Association. In Phase II, the begin¬ning of an
official policy was made with the "cautious approval" and limited
funding of such activities by the government in the First Five-Year Plan
(1955-1960). Official policy was crystallized in Phase III with the
writing of the \ Second Five-Year Plan (1960-1965) in which a specific
allocation was made for \ family planning and the responsibilities for
operating such a programme assigned to the Ministry of Health, Labour
and Social Welfare, Health Division [21 ; 22].

SummaryLibya is one of the Middle East nations with very high fertility, and data from 1973 suggest the presence of a natural fertility regime marked by the absence of fertility limitation within marriage. Analysis of paternity data by occupation, however, identifies major differences in the level and pattern of childbearing. The Libyan data are compared with fertility and paternity data from an American frontier population to demonstrate that the general patterns observed are consistent with other natural fertility populations, while selected occupational groups may limit family size.

Unlike mortality or migration, the fertility behaviour of a
population largely determines its age distribution1. A high fertility
population maintains a broad-based age pyramid by adding continuously a
large number of persons at the first year of life. In such a population
the dependency ratio of children (say persons under 15 years) remains
high relative to the size of its working age population (say those aged
15-64 years). A decline in fertility reduces this ratio and restructures
the age distribution to make it more favourable to economic growth2 [4].
For this reason the study of human fertility occupies a singularly
important position in the demographic literature today. In this paper
the fertility of the population of Pakistan is examined. The purpose of
the paper is to evaluate several fertility measures obtained from data
collected through the Population Growth Estimation project in Pakistan3.
The interrelationships of these measures in terms of their practical
utility to planners for action programmes will be examined. Further, the
possible impact on fertility resulting from a rise in the age at
marriage in Pakistan will be discussed. An effort will also be made to
identify the demographic differentials, relevant to planners, in the two
provinces of the country