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Congressional Pay and Responsiveness in the Antebellum U.S. House of Representatives
In: Studies in American political development: SAPD, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 74-87
ISSN: 1469-8692
AbstractFrom the first attempt to raise congressional pay in 1816, voters have judged members harshly for increasing their own compensation. During debates on the Compensation Act of 1856, members acknowledged that the experience of 1816 still loomed over them, though they disagreed about whether the lesson was not to increase pay or not to replace the per diem with a salary. In the end, they did both. Unlike the "salary grabs" of 1816 and 1873, however, few were punished directly by voters and the law was not repealed. The splintering of the party system allowed representatives to shift responsibility and obscure accountability. The timing of elections and addition of anticorruption provisions further limited backlash. Senators recognized the electoral jeopardy of representatives and so built a broad multiparty coalition for passage. While representatives were sensitive to the judgment of voters, the brief period of a multiparty Congress aided adoption of salary-based compensation in spite of that judgment, making possible later moves toward professionalization.
Committee Assignment Politics in the U.S. House of Representatives by Scott A. Frisch and Sean Q. Kelly
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 121, Heft 4, S. 719-720
ISSN: 1538-165X
The Role of Subcommittees After the Republican Revolution
In: American politics research, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 243-268
ISSN: 1552-3373
House Republicans in the 104th Congress chose not to adopt Democratic rules reserving a role for subcommittees in policymaking, the Subcommittee Bill of Rights (SBR). Although the SBR did increase subcommittee power, subcommittees sometimes had considerable influence prior to the reforms as well. The question is whether and how much their role diminished under the Republicans. In fact, some Republican panels chose to devolve some of their power in the absence of the SBR. I suggest that we understand committee and subcommittee policymaking capacity as partial and contingent and that subcommittees can exercise influence in the absence of formal protections such as the SBR. I find that subcommittees are reappointed at the same rate as under the Democrats and are used as partisan tools to block minority party legislation and that they provide a source of influence for subcommittee chairs and an opportunity for logrolling.
Committee Assignment Politics in the U.S. House of Representatives
In: Political science quarterly: PSQ ; the journal public and international affairs, Band 121, Heft 4, S. 719
ISSN: 0032-3195
The Role of Subcommittees After the Republican Revolution
In: American politics research, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 243
ISSN: 1532-673X
Party, Constituency, and Representation: Votes on Abortion in the British House of Commons
In: Public Choice, Band 120, Heft 1/2, S. 63-85
Party, Constituency, and Representation: Votes on Abortion in the British House of Commons
In: Public choice, Band 120, Heft 1-2, S. 63-85
ISSN: 0048-5829
To whom do British Members of Parliament respond when voting in the House of Commons? Using a series of votes on abortion, the revealed preferences of MPs are estimated. The results indicate that constituency characteristics matter, but they also underline the central importance of party. Even when discipline is not imposed, the Members of the three largest parties are distinct from one another. Moreover, there is a noteworthy interaction between constituency & party: the more marginal the seat, the more extreme the position. Members appear to react to electoral threat by reinforcing partisan bona fides with their local party rather than conforming to the median, recognizing the importance of partisanship for electoral success & the role of local party resources. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 60 References. Adapted from the source document.
Party, Constituency, and Representation: Votes on Abortion in the British House of Commons
In: Public choice, Band 120, Heft 1, S. 63-86
ISSN: 0048-5829
SSRN
Working paper
The Electoral Connection and Participation on House Roll Call Votes, 1820 to 1920
In: APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
Institutional Development and Participation on House Roll-Call Votes, 1819–1921
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 75, Heft 3, S. 646-660
ISSN: 1938-274X
An emerging body of literature seeks to understand the determinants of roll-call participation in the early U.S. House of Representatives. A multitude of factors—electoral, institutional, and partisan—exerted significant influence over members' participation decisions during the time we analyze. We analyze roll-call abstention rates from the 16th to 66th Congress (1819 to 1921) to determine whether electorally at-risk members differed in their attentiveness to their congressional responsibilities than members who faced less or no risk. By examining a century of congresses, we compare both the post-Civil War era immediately prior to adoption of the Australian ballot as well as the pre-Civil War congresses to identify those factors that affected members' decision to participate on roll-call votes. The time series encompasses important electoral and institutional reforms, including the emergence of strong party caucuses and the enhanced agenda setting prerogatives of the majority party. Our results show that members responded to changes in the political environment, including to electoral concerns, and this effect is present prior to the Civil War. We also find that during the era of the strong Speaker, majority party members significantly increased their roll-call participation rates.