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Introduction: Methodology and the problem of race in American labor history -- "A deep, dark plot": race in the chicago labor movement, 1894-1905 -- "Every Negro can make a fight": race and the CFL campaign, 1916-1921 -- "Demoralized by its own weaknesses": the structural limits of federated unionism, 1916-1921 -- "Between two fires": white and black workers confront interracial unionism, 1916-1921 -- "Patience is no longer a virtue": the CFL and the Chicago Race Riot of 1919 -- "Boring from within": race and the decline of the CFL, 1919-1922 -- Conclusion: the past, present, and future of interracial unionism

What ought the political role of the intellectual to be? What challenges does the post-structuralist project present for Marxist accounts of the intellectual? This text, which includes important contributions from authors such as Montag and Sayers, considers different attempts by Marxist and post-Marxist writers to theorize these questions

The digital revolution invites a reconsideration of the very essence of politics. How can we think about decision, control, and will at a time when technologies of automation are transforming every dimension of human life, from military combat to mental attention, from financial systems to the intimate lives of individuals? This article looks back to a moment in the 20th century when the concept of the political as an independent logic was developed, in a time when the boundaries and operations of the classic state were in question. At the same moment, a whole new technological era was opened up with the emergence of intelligent machines and computers in the postwar cybernetic age. Technology, and cybernetics in particular, loomed large in Carl Schmitt's articulation of the concept of the political, while the problem of radical open decision was at the heart of influential cybernetic approaches to politics. Linking these was the idea of entropic decay. Schmitt's invocation of the theological concept of the Katechon, who restrains chaos in the time before Christ's return, in fact exemplifies the new understandings of order in a cybernetic age facing new challenges of technology in a globalized condition.

This article seeks through constructive criticism to consider how the "knowledge exchange" agenda might be harnessed for the progressive goal of political education. The article discusses "Making Politics Matter", an initiative that seeks to encourage active learning and teaching of politics, facilitate the development of social network capital among students, and to reach out to the wider community, with the aim of promoting public discussion of political issues. Adapted from the source document.

The fundamental importance of theology in the work of Carl Schmitt has been the subject of much recent literature on this controversial figure. However, there has been little consensus on the precise nature of Schmitt's own political theology—that is, on what links there are between his religious or metaphysical concepts and his ideas concerning the nature of political organization and action. This is especially the case with his works of the Nazi era, which are now being studied with the same kind of critical attention given to his more influential Weimar works. In this essay I focus on the important turn Schmitt made in the early years of the Third Reich, from "decisionism" to what he called "institutional thinking," in order to reveal the theological basis for his understanding of the new regime. I will then argue that Schmitt's institutional approach had in fact always been central to his earlier, better-known writings on law and the state. Schmitt's concept of the institution, which had roots in French legal theory, grounded a political theology that was in the end less a metaphysical approach to the state than one that drew on the concrete example of the legal institutional order of the Catholic Church.

We fear that the growing threat of violent attack, whether from terrorism or other sources, has upset the balance between existential concepts of political power, which emphasize security, and traditional notions of constitutional limits meant to protect civil liberties. We worry that constitutional states cannot, during a time of war, terror, and extreme crisis, maintain legality and preserve civil rights and freedoms. David W. Bates allays these concerns by revisiting the theoretical origins of the modern constitutional state, which, he argues, recognized and made room for tensions amon