Suchergebnisse

In this paper, I examine the challenges faced by sex workers in the New Kuchingoro camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Previous studies on sex workers' activities in the camp have underscored their hardships, distress, and deprivation, as well as their general inability to cope with COVID-19. Through my research, I reveal that the government and other agencies failed to support sex workers' struggle to adequately provide for themselves and their families. I also explore the different strategies they employed in their efforts to survive during this period of hardship, which demonstrated their resilience.

Political, ethnic and religious conflict has given rise to insurgency groups employing a variety of strategies worldwide. In Nigeria, civilians in strife-torn Borno State have formed a number of counter-insurgency (COIN) groups, among which the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) has emerged as a major player. The group began in 2009 as a simple call for volunteers, and now numbers over 26 000 men and women. While research has been conducted on other COIN groups, little is known of CJTF. Concerns have been raised about the CJTF metamorphosing into an ethnic militia, accused of human rights abuses, robbery, rape and hooliganism. Despite these reported atrocities, local people support them, regarding them as unsung heroes. The study investigates the group's potential as a useful counter insurgency measure, using David Galula's COIN theory to analyse the group's actions and to contest the dualistic understanding of conventional vs unconventional, local peacebuilding approaches. The study adopts a qualitative, ethnographic methodology, locating the research in the context of global development and security discourse. The study aims to establish the value of the CJTF COIN group, to position unconventional local COIN as a viable complementary to conventional methods and to proffer clues as to how security initiatives may more successfully combat Islamic insurgency in Nigeria. The study employed both primary and secondary data. Field work for the study was carried out for six months between 2018 and 2019 in Maiduguri Metropolis and its environs in Borno State.

The paper attempts to discuss the nexus between spoils politics and escalating ethnic conflict in Nigeria that has seen some communities like the Fulani herdsmen, a large semi-nomadic community found in large parts of Nigeria, especially its central and southern regions, slaughter their countrymen with impunity. It is not a debate on the recent spate of violent clashes that have reportedly been triggered by the herdsmen. It is at its core an exploration of the ethnic issues that are prevalent in Nigeria overlapping with political, economic and religious tensions causing undercurrents of distrust and suspicion in the country. The paper argues that due to the zero sum nature of local politics, the violence that has been unleashed can be seen as a kind of premeditated strategy being followed by the federal government given its complete inaction in the face of the massacres and land grabs that have occurred. The brutal intimidation faced by sections of Nigeria's population and the inability of the state to stem it has prevented the country's citizens from resisting the ongoing conflict and strife.

Incontáveis mortes desnecessárias ocorreram devido aos incessantes e sangrentos conflitos entre pastores Fulani e fazendeiros locais nigerianos. A situação da segurança no país já é ruim o suficiente sem esta ameaça, que envolve a simples, inocente e trabalhadora população de base. No entanto, as autoridades parecem não ter pistas sobre o ângulo apropriado, a partir do qual abordar a questão. As principais discussões acadêmicas sobre o assunto também não deram atenção ao embate em relação às leis de pastoreio e uso de terra. Esta pesquisa, portanto, investiga as mortes perpetradas por pastores Fulani sob a luz de fatores multidimensionais, que estão, também, sujeitos a um cenário político em constante alteração. A pesquisa é qualitativa e utiliza fontes de dados secundárias e de arquivo. As discussões são baseadas na Teoria da Modernização e na Teoria da Escassez de Recursos, o que permite abordar os conflitos de perspectivas variadas. O estudo identifica as políticas contraditórias para o uso pacífico e apropriado de terras e o problemático esquema de apaziguamento nos diversos níveis do governo nigeriano como um dos gatilhos para os confrontos. Além disso, o fraco pacote de segurança social ofertado à população pode ser conectado às Lutas sangrentas e incessantes Visto que não são realizados planos de desenvolvimento estrutural apropriados, que criem reservas de pastagem para os mercantes nômades, estes decidiram expandir seus negócios à força, uma opção que rapidamente atende às suas necessidades em um país deficitário em segurança. Novamente, a porosidade das fronteiras da nação é, também, um fator crucial considerado nesta pesquisa, já que abundam evidências para provar que a maior parte dos perpetradores destes assassinatos sem sentido tem seus esconderijos em nações fronteiriças, de onde armas são transportadas para dentro do país, a fim de executar suas atividades. Por último, o estudo discute a tomada de terras rurais como a finalidade dos massacres realizados pelos pastores Fulani. Após destruir as vilas, os criminosos confiantemente ocupam a terra, algumas vezes com ajuda militar, enquanto os donos originais fogem em busca de segurança. Este desafio securitário contribui para o atraso econômico, social e político, visto que leva à perda de vidas e propriedades, dificulta e provavelmente impede investimentos locais e estrangeiros, destrói terras férteis e aráveis, além de reduzir o fornecimento de alimentos, em última instância reduzindo a produtividade como um todo. Se o governo não responder à altura, por meio de medidas de segurança drásticas, ocorrências futuras permanecerão prováveis.

In analyzing the motivations behind the formation of insurgent groups and their activities against the state, academic debates have been sharply divided. On the one hand are scholars who emphasize insurgency as fallout of religious activities, while on the other hand are those who prioritize geostrategic politics or political marginalization as the root cause. Either claim, however, is only valid in part and obscures a holistic understanding of insurgency as a political phenomenon. Using Boko Haram as a case study, this article interrogates literatures on the aforementioned perspectives and highlights the empirical inadequacies in emphasizing one perspective at the expense of the other. This study suggests that only a synergized and balanced consideration of both perspectives can broaden the understanding of the motivations behind the emergence of Boko Haram as one of the world's deadliest insurgent groups.

This article explores development challenges in Nigeria through a qualitative methodological approach. In explaining the challenges pitting Nigerian economy and development, the objectives adopt modernization and dependency theories for analysis. The information gathered from the field suggests that there is the need for the blend of the Nigerian pre-colonial traditional systems with the post-colonial political system in addressing developmental issues. An overhaul of the existing political systems to accommodate Nigerian traditional and democratic punitive measures in addressing the country developmental challenges is prescribed. The ingenuity in pre-colonial traditional system cannot be overemphasized hence, the paper concludes that, for Nigeria to achieve the status quo of developed nations, a lot of works and review needs to be done internally in the Nigerian political systems and institutional structures to eschew the external forces and pressures causing backwardness in our political and economy development in Nigeria. Article DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.20319/pijss.2018.43.405420 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA.

Ever since African Union (AU) was established in 1963, the organisation has been charged with the responsibility of preventing, managing and resolving violent conflicts ranging from political violence, terrorism, insurgency and so on. In the African region, AU's interventions in African states have generated academic debates especially in the Mali and Nigerian crisis. While some scholars consider AU's intervention as being effective, others consider it ineffective. Either claim, however, is only valid in part and obscures a holistic understanding of the AU as a conflict prevention mechanism in Africa. Using the crisis in Mali and Nigeria as case studies, this article engages with the body of works drawn from each of the aforementioned paradigms, and highlights the inadequacies in exclusively focusing on either side of the debate. In turn, it suggests that, only in the synergy of both paradigms can a broader and more eclectic understanding of all the factors responsible for non-performance of AU be achieved.

The literature on the sexual violence (SV) in many arms-ravaged countries offers a gruesome and horrific narrative of how the feminine sex has become a victim of such conflict. The literature relates how women were both victims and weapons of war in both physical and psychological ways. However, the literature contains very little relating to the issues of sexual justice for victims as well as perpetrators. In Liberia, years of conflict and abuses against women have been given great attention, but little has been said about regimes of reparation, rehabilitation, and compensation for the victims of war. While there were attempts to ensure that victims of war be systematically compensated and rehabilitated as in Rwanda, the Liberian experience left much to be desired in this respect. The reason for this deserves investigation. Although there are traditional and contemporary barriers barring access to sexual justice in many developing countries, Liberia included, efforts to achieve sexual assault justice in post-conflict societies remain very sensitive for the reason that they may inadvertently lead to stigmatization. The social deficit resulting from this failure has yet to be analyzed in many states. Similarly, a systemically dysfunctional judicial process cannot serve as an agency of remedy. This system is usually expensive to service and maintain. This is coupled with a loss of faith in government and its institutions by the victims. As a combination of weak judicial institutions and social and economic impediments limits the prospects of a sexual justice, this study assesses sexual justice in post-conflict Bahn and Nimba County in Liberia. It examines the broader implications, as it raises questions about the relevance of the regime of justice on the Bahn and Nimba County victims and the perpetrator and draw lessons from this experience.

Millions of displaced persons in sub-Saharan Africa annually take the risk of moving from their communities to the camps and host communities of neighbouring areas. Therefore, the article puts into perspective the danger of forced displacement for sub-Saharan Africa's young and growing population. With a population of displaced persons estimated at 40.5 million in 2021, of which 50% are below 18 years of age, the sub-Saharan African region is central to any strategy for curbing internal displacement in different African states. Using the welfare state theory as the framework of analysis, this article evaluates all the nuances of internal displacement in sub-Saharan African countries. It highlights the role of the African Union (AU) in supporting countries in the combat against the continuous tragedy of forced displacement. In addition, the article focuses on the failure of the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention), which is a treaty formulated in 2009 and enforced in 2017, to solve the problem. The article, thus, shows that there is a need to strengthen the capacity of state and non-state actors through the AU Kampala Convention, create regional frameworks to control internal displacement and intensify awareness of the dangers of internal displacement. There is also a need to impress on the managers of governance in the sub-Saharan African region that Africa, as the epicentre of displacement, is politically and constitutionally responsible for millions of citizens caught up in the web of internal displacement. However, the apportioning of responsibility to the AU is missing in almost all narratives on internal displacement.

The AU Kampala Convention aims to ensure that the states that have signed the treaty protect and assist internally displaced persons (IDPs) in their regions to establish geopolitical security, which is threatened by the inevitability, volume and heterogeneity of forced displacement. This article interrogates the link between the Kampala Convention and the minimisation of interstate conflict through a political will to tackle the challenge of forced displacement amongst member states the cooperation and integration of which would contribute to geopolitical security. Thus, using secondary data, the author determines how addressing large-scale forced displacement in the region can improve geopolitical security. Thus, based on an extensive review of relevant IDP issues in Africa, attention is paid to displacement trends on the continent, factors precipitating displacement and the flow of IDPs across the region, a current analysis of the AU Kampala Convention framework, the challenges to African geopolitical security and responsibility-sharing amongst African states. The author concludes that there should be synergy between host and displaced communities for integration and the provision of opportunities for IDPs to regain their livelihoods. Therefore, African states need to adapt and implement, as a matter of urgency, national, regional and international policies to solve the challenges of internal displacement in Africa and ensure geopolitical security.

The lived experiences of women in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are poorly understood despite the centrality of this issue in discourses on victims' experiences. This study examines the travail of Gwoza women in New Kuchingoro IDPs camp in Abuja, Nigeria. It attempts to identify the survival strategies adopted by women and the possibility of their returning home, in northeastern Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research design utilising both primary and secondary data. Insights for data analyses were drawn from transactional theory of stress and coping strategies. The study reveals that Gwoza women rely largely on humanitarian aid from NGOs, while the federal government has largely failed to fulfil that role. Reliance on subsistence farming and humanitarian aid implies that their coping or survival strategy is only tentative. Gwoza women also regard the issue of security as a source of livelihood crucial to their survival, which they are unlikely to get should they return home where they will be exposed to attacks by the insurgent Boko Haram. Moreover, the Nigerian government has not given them any assurance on the provision of adequate security and means of livelihood upon return. They are thus compelled to remain in camp.

The lived experiences of women in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are poorly understood despite the centrality of this issue in discourses on victims' experiences. This study examines the travail of Gwoza women in New Kuchingoro IDPs camp in Abuja, Nigeria. It attempts to identify the survival strategies adopted by women and the possibility of their returning home, in northeastern Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research design utilising both primary and secondary data. Insights for data analyses were drawn from transactional theory of stress and coping strategies. The study reveals that Gwoza women rely largely on humanitarian aid from NGOs, while the federal government has largely failed to fulfil that role. Reliance on subsistence farming and humanitarian aid implies that their coping or survival strategy is only tentative. Gwoza women also regard the issue of security as a source of livelihood crucial to their survival, which they are unlikely to get should they return home where they will be exposed to attacks by the insurgent Boko Haram. Moreover, the Nigerian government has not given them any assurance on the provision of adequate security and means of livelihood upon return. They are thus compelled to remain in camp.

This book examines immigration policies and politics in Africa, the social impacts and history of xenophobia and nativism in African life and culture, and the effects of xenophobia and nativism on Pan-Africanism. The chapters also offer suggestions for reducing xenophobia and nativism in Africa through social and economic policies.