Suchergebnisse

In May 2010, Labour suffered one of its worst ever election defeats. A few months later it chose Ed Miliband as its new leader. His task? To win back power after just one term in opposition - a tall order given how many voters had come to blame Labour for the economic mess the country was in, and to see the party as a soft-touch when it came to immigration and welfare. Even those who were more sympathetic had their doubts. Was Ed Miliband really leadership material? Would he be able to overcome defeating his elder brother to get to the top? Would he have to do as he was told by the trade union

This volume brings together experts on both migration and political parties - fields that have not always interacted as much as they could or should have done - in order to study the impacts, dilemmas and trade-offs involved in establishing an immigration policy

This text is about how and why parties in general, and the Conservative Party in particular, make changes to the face they present to the electorate, the way they organise themselves, and the policies they come up with. It is an in-depth but comprehensive study based on original archival sources

AbstractWhen Andrew Gamble's Between Europe and America was published in 2003, the Conservative Party was in deep trouble—a victim, he claimed, of its own success under Margaret Thatcher in destroying 'the post‐war compromise' that had kept the United Kingdom together, allowed it to participate, albeit reluctantly, in European integration, and helped it cope with imperial and economic decline. Yet, getting on for two decades later, the party appears to have regained the hegemony that then looked lost. Moreover, by leading the country out of the EU, the Tories seem finally to have made the choice between the two relationships and the two models of political economy that, according to Gamble, they had long attempted, however uneasily, to reconcile. When we look more closely, however, at trade, at foreign and defence policy, and at the Johnson government's economic policies, it looks as if the Conservatives—for all that the majority of their MPs can be classified as Brexiteers, as Atlanticists, as neoliberals, and therefore as Thatcherites—continue to hope (not necessarily irrationally) that they can have their cake and eat it too.

AbstractThis article uses a survey carried out by the ESRC‐funded Party Members Project in the immediate aftermath of the 2019 election to paint a portrait of Labour's post‐Corbyn membership. They are overwhelmingly white, well‐educated and largely middle class and middle‐aged, with many of them living in southern England. They are also disproportionately likely to work, either currently or previously, in the public or charitable sector. They are left‐wing but also very socially liberal, and they are very pro‐European. This means they have a lot in common with Labour MPs but much less in common with many of the voters Labour desperately needs to win back. A significant number of members, perhaps especially those disinclined to regard antisemitism as a serious problem, could leave as a result of Corbyn being replaced (and possibly removed) by Starmer. Whether this will have much impact on Labour's electoral prospects is debateable.