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Compares state–Muslim Brotherhood relations across Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab EmiratesTraces the development of state-Muslim Brotherhood relations since the 1950s in 5 Gulf StatesProvides a detailed account of the Muslim Brotherhood's internal dynamics that have characterised the organisation's evolution in the last 70 yearsExamines how Gulf States have incorporated religion in building their educational and justice systemsIn this book, Birol Başkan explains the variation in attitudes and approaches towards the Muslim Brotherhood across 5 Gulf States – a disparity that he argues is at the root of the ongoing Gulf crisis that erupted in June 2017.The Muslim Brotherhood – the oldest, largest and most influential religious movement in the Muslim world – has often faced repression, most notably in its home country of Egypt. In the 1950s and 1960s, the Gulf States offered Brothers fleeing persecution a safe haven. However, this friendly reception has become increasingly hostile in the 21st century. Following a crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in the summer of 2013, many Gulf States followed suit, with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates both declaring the movement as terrorist in 2014. By contrast, Qatar has continuously offered a positive reception to the Muslim Brothers

Preface -- Contents -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Part I: 9/11 and the Changing Regional Landscape -- Chapter 2: The Earthquake: The 9/11 Attacks and the US Response -- Chapter 3: Unsettling the Middle East: The Implications of the US Rhetoric and Action -- The Rise of Iran as a Regional Hegemon -- Iran's Defensive/Aggressive Attitude -- The Arabs' Own Predicament: Leadership Crisis -- The Paradox of the Arab Gulf States -- The Saudi-Iran Rivalry Revived -- Part II: The Rise of Turkey and Qatar -- Chapter 4: Enter Turkey and Qatar -- Acquiring Immunity to US Pressure: The 1990s

"The 1920s and the 1930s, Turkey, Iran and Russia vehemently pursued state-secularizing reforms, but adopted different strategies in doing so. But why do states follow different secularizing strategies? The literature has already shattered the illusion that secularization of the state has been a unilinear, homogeneous and universal process, and has convincingly shown that secularization of the state has unfolded along different paths. Much, however, remains to be uncovered. This book provides an in-depth comparative historical analysis of state secularization in three major Eurasian countries: Turkey, Iran and Russia. To capture the aforementioned variation in state secularization across three countries that have been hitherto analyzed as separate studies, Birol Baskan adopts three modes of state secularization: accommodationism, separationism and eradicationism. Focusing thematically on the changing relations between the state and religious institutions, Baskan brings together a host of factors, historical, strategic and structural, to account for why Turkey adopted accommodationism, Iran separationism and Russia eradicationism. In doing so, he expertly demonstrates that each secularization strategy was a rational response to the strategic context the reformers found themselves in."--

When it was founded in 2001, the current ruling party in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), unequivocally declared its commitment to democracy and secularism (JDP 2014). Nevertheless, the party's implementation of reforms aimed at strengthening Turkey's democracy after coming to power in 2002 surprised many observers because the JDP's top leaders had been known Islamists. The speed and dedication with which the government introduced and implemented laws aimed at "European-style normalization" even impressed the EU, leading to the historic decision of 17 December 2004 to open negotiations with Turkey for full membership (Kirişҫi 2004). Such commitment seemed to be a rarity and therefore did not escape the attention of scholars either. It led to the publication of several academic works, four of which are the subject of this review essay.

This study investigates the factors that affect variations in secular attitudes toward politics. The literature suggests that modernization may weaken traditional bonds with religious adherence and the state can assume an important role in this endeavor through mass education, industrialization, and other factors. However, this explanation is incomplete in light of the resurgence of religious movements. This study argues that economic inequality increases the positive evaluation of the role of religion in politics through its effect on religiosity and participation in religious organizations. Employing a multilevel analysis on 40 countries, this study demonstrates that inequality decreases attitudes toward support for two dimensions of public secularization: the secularization of public office holders and the influence of religious leaders in politics. Simultaneously, the effect of modernization on these attitudes varies. The results also suggest that although inequality diminishes secular attitudes of all socioeconomic groups, its effect is nonlinear, with a greater effect on the poor.