Suchergebnisse

AS THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION MOVE TOWARD A COMMON CURRENCY IN THE YEAR 1999, JITTERS HAVE GRIPPED PARTS OF THE EUROPEAN LEFT THAT SEE IN THIS PROCESS THE TWILIGHT OF DEMOCRATIC POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY AND THE DAWN OF THE REIGN OF EUROCRACY. THIS ARTICLE STATES THAT "NOSTALGIC NATIONALISM" IS NO ANSWER TO THE CHALLENGES FACING THE EUROPEAN EXPERIMENT. FURTHERMORE, TO IDENTIFY THE NATION-STATE AS THE PRIVILEGED SITE OF DEMOCRATIC SELF-DETERMINATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IS NEITHER CONCEPTUALLY NOR INSTITUTIONALLY CONVINCING. EMERGING OUT OF A CUSTOMS UNION AND BORDER AGREEMENTS AMONG A HANDFUL OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES, WHAT WAS NAMED THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY HAS EVOLVED INTO ONE OF THE MORE INTERESTING MULTINATIONAL CONFEDERATIONS IN MODERN POLITICAL HISTORY. THE EUROPEAN LEFT SHOULD NOT HARKEN AFTER THE DISCREDITED NATIONALISMS OF THE PAST BUT USE ITS IMAGINATION TO THINK UP NEW INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC SELF-DETERMINATION FOR A POSTNATIONAL EUROPE. THE ARTICLE LISTS SEVERAL IDEAS WHICH WOULD BE STEPS IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION.

An analysis of a paradigm shift in US academia which posits that the major legacy of literary, artistic, & philosophical works to be transmitted to future generations should represent more than just the white, European & North American, male experience. Feminist scholarship has been a force in advancing this shift, primarily through identifying the misogynist underpinnings of Western tradition & the persistent misogynist orientation in political theory & empirical research. Gender is not even considered to be an analytical category; it is thus trivialized & left with no explanatory framework. The traditional alliances of feminist theory with the traditions of Sigmund Freud & Friedrich Nietzsche have been counterproductive because these two thinkers also held misogynist views. The current alliance between feminism & poststructuralism also presents political & intellectual problems. Thus, feminist theory still awaits critical application to the present. C. Grindle

Examines some of the hermeneutic puzzles by focussing on 1 aspect of Arendt's reflections on judgment in particular. Discusses judgment as a moral faculty. Arendt called judgment 'the most political' of all our cognitive faculties. Follows her inconclusive reflections to develop a phemonological analysis of judgment as a moral faculty and criticises her problematic separation of morality from politics. (Abstract amended)

THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES HOW ARENDT'S THEORY OF ACTION CAN BE MADE FRUITFUL FOR THE EXPLORATION OF MORAL JUDGEMENT, AND ALSO HOW THIS THEORY OF ACTION LEADS TO A REFORMULATION OF THE ESSENCE OF KARTIAN MORAL THEORY IN TERMS OF A DIALOGIC PROCEDURE OF ENLARGED THOUGHT. THE AUTHOR EXPLORES THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THIS PERSPECTIVE OF ENLARGED THOUGHT AND ITS POLITICAL EMBODIMENT IN A PUBLIC CULTURE OF DEMOCRATIC ETHOS.