Suchergebnisse

1 Introduction: life in the borderland . - 2 Eastern Congo: miners, 'moles' and the users of force . - 3 The great escape? Diamond mining in the borderland of Sierra Leone . - 4 Liberia: land, belonging and identity in a border area . - 5 Northern Mali: criminality, coping and resistance along an elusive frontier . - 6 Northern Uganda: displacement and fear in the borderland . - 7 Navigating Nakivale: the refugee camp as borderland . - 8 Conclusion: touching from a distance

Right-wing ethno-nationalists and jihadi Salafists
Morten Bøås, from the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), examines the similarities between right-wing ethno-nationalists and jihadi Salafists. It may seem strange to argue that people who subscribe to immensely opposing ideologies should have anything in common. However, recent research suggests that this may not be as strange as one initially thought. The PREVEX project, but also like-minded studies, have shown that religious beliefs and ideological conviction matter less for individuals who initially move into the 'world' of violent extremism. The path of radicalisation is not one paved with strong beliefs about religion or ideology. For most, it is something else that makes them make choices that, unfortunately, so easily and dramatically can transform their life trajectory.

Do violent extremists govern?
This may seem like a naïve question as groups inspired by the extremist versions of Salafi Islamic theology of al-Qaeda and the Islamic State are most often presented as ruthless, violently brutal actors that only rule through fear and coercion. However, as time has moved on and more analyses have come to the fore, a more nuanced picture has emerged. These findings need to be taken seriously because while al-Qaeda and the Islamic State's power and appeal may be waning in the Middle East, elsewhere, groups inspired by them have grown stronger. One case is the Sahel, and the challenge that groups like the al-Qaeda-inspired Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) represent to international order should not be underestimated. They have gained ground in Mali and Burkina Faso and are also starting to threaten West Atlantic states with important harbours for global trade, such as Benin, Ghana and Togo. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that we understand what these groups are. While their leaders may adhere to violent extremist interpretations of religion and use force and violence, they are also smart, wise, and know how to plan and strategise, and have developed skilful tactics for dealing with civilian populations that come under their influence.

Violent extremism: The journey in and the pathway out
Understanding and addressing violent extremism goes beyond just ideology. Morten Bøås of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs suggests that looking at the underlying reasons and addressing its root cause might be crucial to finding solutions. Defining violent extremism is like grabbing slippery soap. Most of us have ideas about what violent extremism is, what type of acts of violence qualify, and what kinds of ideologies and belief systems that we would say promote it. The challenge, however, is that the definition of violent extremism is almost exclusively subjective. What one person deems as violent extremism may be perfectly justifiable for another.

The crisis in the Sahel is serious and multidimensional, and if it continues unabated it could have consequences far beyond the region. As the states of the region are too poor and weak to deal with this on their own, international support is needed. It is therefore a positive sign that the region of Sahel is higher on the international agenda than it has ever been. The challenge, however, is that current international approaches and interventions in the Sahel are more in line with short-term external priorities, such as stopping irregular migration to Europe and fighting insurgencies that have been defined as part of a global complex of jihadist terrorism. There is no doubt that there is a migration crisis in the Sahel and we do need a military approach to several of the insurgencies. However, it must be part of a much broader agenda of humanitarian assistance and development support that is context and conflict sensitive. This policy dialogue addresses the root causes of the Sahel crisis and shows how the situation has evolved over time. The current crisis is deeply rooted in historical circumstances that external stakeholders cannot ignore. The main area of focus for the report is the epicentre of the current conflict, which is located in and around Mali, but which may have several important ramifications for the neighbouring G5 Sahel countries of Burkina Faso, Mauritania and Niger. ; CONTENTS: 1. Introduction. - 2. Mali and the Sahel – the epicentre of contemporaryAfrican conflict. - 3. Conflict trends and drivers of violence. - 4. Concluding remarks. - References. - Index.