Suchergebnisse

AbstractThere is a trend in the welfare state which pushes towards unification of public services. The situation described here is the existence of separate public services, alongside each other, not only in the same state but also in the same city. Social divisions and cleavages not only reflect different cultural and social identities, but also rest on such concrete realities as the segregated supply of public services which creates dependency on community institutions. The use of separate public services as a means of nurturing cultural and social separatism is markedly characteristic of two communities in Jerusalem: the Arabs and the Ultra‐orthodox Jews. In addition to a description of some of the public services in these two communities this paper offers an explanation for the perpetuation and the exacerbation of religious and ethnic or national cleavages.

Untersuchung über die Art der Gruppierungen innerhalb der Arbeiterpartei und den Umgang der Partei mit ihnen. (DÜI-Hns)

ONE OF THE INNOVATIONS OF THE 1981 ELECTIONS IN ISRAEL which caught the eye, was the frequent use of 'this time' in campaign slogans. 'This time only the Labour Alignment!' 'This time the Likud!' shouted the slogans from all the billboards. This is an appeal to political support based on a short-term time perspective. This appeal differs greatly from that which characterized the Israeli ideological, mass-membership parties in previous periods.The change in party slogans is a response to changes in the electorate. These changes in the electorate are most clearly reflected in the magnitude of the 'undecided' vote and of its oscillation between different parties. The 'undecided' vote which used to be very low, amounted to about 40 per cent according to polls made in 1977 in the preelection period, and to about 30 per cent in the period preceding the 1981 elections. Moreover, the polls pointed to a particularly great oscillation of the electorate in the pre-1981 election period: the political forecast in December 1980 was around 60 Labour seats and around 28 Likud seats. In the beginnin of June 1981, the pendulum swung. The forecast for Labour fell to 30-33 seats while of Likud rose to 47 or even 49 seats. In the elections the race between Likud and Labour was very close. The results were 47 to Labour and 48 to Likud (as against 32 Labour and 43 Likud in 1977).

A distinction is made among three political bargaining patterns observed in Israel. (1) "Sectorial arrangement" is the sharing of influence among the large parties by dividing the population into sectors; the parties agree to leave each other's sector alone, but each exercises its influence in a multiplicity of spheres within its population segment. (2) In "functional arrangement," each party, through control of certain ministries, has specific zones of influence assigned to it, although every party addresses itself to the whole population. (3) In a third pattern, the characteristic trend is toward breaking up comprehensive deals & creating more open bargaining. Shifts in time perspective are the essence of changes in bargaining patterns, which brought about the political changes so dramatically manifested in both the 1977 & 1981 elections in Israel. Modified AA.

The latest research in the field of physical planning in England indicates that there is an impressive rise in bargaining between the planning authorities and applicants for building permits. The physical planning system in England has undergone another process of change in the last decade: a growing flexibility manifested in the change from 'development plans', which are binding plans, to 'structure plans' that present only general principles of planning to be taken into consideration by planning authorities when granting building permits. Thus the following question presents itself: Are the two processes of change in the area of physical planning related to each other? Is the rising amount of bargaining with planning authorities due to the growing flexibility in the physical planning system; or is the rising bargaining in the area of physical planning, as J. Jowell suggests, due mainly to a more general phenomenon of increasing corporatism in English politics; or to both of them? To put it in more general terms: Is the increase in bargaining within the functioning of the physical planning system related to factors internal to the physical planning system or external to it?