State intervention in economic enterprise in pre-colonial Africa: Massina and Samori's state
In: Occasional paper / African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles no. 22
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In: Occasional paper / African Studies Center, University of California, Los Angeles no. 22
In: Sage research papers in social sciences
In: Studies in comparative modernization series 4 = Nr. 90-030
In: Studies in comparative modernization series
In: Current sociology: journal of the International Sociological Association ISA, Band 52, Heft 6, S. 949-967
ISSN: 1461-7064
Curiosity for the different and marginal develops, and is economically exploited, as a side-effect of globalization. An increasing (though still minority) part of it is directed towards what visitors perceive as peripheries of the world. For indigenous people in developing countries this development creates new challenges and has contradictory consequences. It generates new sources of income as service workers in the tourism industry as well as the opportunity of becoming tourism exhibits themselves, selling souvenirs, being photographed, opening their camps and villages to visitors, putting on shows of dances, ceremonies, traditional food, art, customs, etc. While these latter activities incorporate those people in the new economy, they also 'freeze' them culturally at the margin of society since it is their marginality that they exhibit and sell for profit. Such incongruent combination of economic incorporation and cultural marginality is examined with special reference to the Maasai pastoral groups in Kenya and Tanzania.
In: Nationalism & ethnic politics, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 1-24
ISSN: 1557-2986
In: Nationalism and ethnic politics, Band 9, Heft 2
ISSN: 1353-7113
The article examines the reasons for the prominence of the ethnic discourse in contemporary African conflicts and the impact of such discourse on their management and outcome. It first raises the general question as to whether "ethnic representation" of conflicts exacerbates them or moderates them and why. It then turns its attention to the dynamics of "ethnicity construction" in Africa, under pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial rule, stressing especially the role it played as a political tool during decolonization. The article finally assesses the different attitudes of contemporary African governments toward public recognition of ethnic diversity. (Original abstract)
In: Nationalism and ethnic politics, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 1-24
ISSN: 1353-7113
In: Africa today, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 161-164
ISSN: 1527-1978
In: Africa today, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 161-164
ISSN: 0001-9887
In: Africa today, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 161-163
ISSN: 0001-9887
In: Africa today, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 161-164
ISSN: 1527-1978
In: Transnationalism: Diasporas and the advent of a new (dis)order Transnationalism, S. 483-498
In: Comparative studies in society and history, Band 29, Heft 1, S. 106-131
ISSN: 1475-2999
Few questions have galvanized the attention of observers of African affairs in recent years as forcefully as the performance of the state on the continent. The debate on the nature of the state—its capabilities, weaknesses, external and societal connections, and impact—has come to occupy center stage in the field of African political studies. This overriding preoccupation emanates from the underlying assumption that the state constitutes a superior means for the fulfillment of economic and social aspirations; participation in its activities is deemed beneficial, and various sectors of society strive to associate with its institutions and gain access to its resources. Some recent works have cast doubt on this assumption, however, and the trend in the literature has been shifting towards an emphasis on the diminishing role of the state in African social life. However, even in these new studies the focus has been primarily on the state itself, its difficulties, incapacities, and failures, rather than on societal response to its actions.
In: Studies in comparative international development: SCID, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 42-63
ISSN: 1936-6167
In: Studies in comparative international development, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 42-63
ISSN: 0039-3606
An analysis of the boundaries between civilian & military spheres in Israel, as perceived by Israeli-raised draftees compared to new immigrant counterparts, showing how the institutional civil-military permeability that characterizes Israeli society is reflected at the individual cognitive level. Response to a questionnaire distributed to a sample of 539 new M conscripts (N = 234 new immigrants & 309 nonimmigrants) show that, while the entire group professes a high willingness to serve in the military, the willingness of nonimmigrant draftees is markedly higher than that of the new immigrants. Furthermore, nonimmigrant draftees have difficulty distinguishing between collective needs related to their military service & their personal costs or rewards from military service (eg, physical danger, effects on their family, education & professional opportunities or social ties), while new immigrants do distinguish more clearly between collective needs & personal costs & rewards. For Israeli-raised draftees, cognitive boundaries are blurred between the national security functions of the armed forces & the personal incentives of serving in the military, contrasting with trends in contemporary western all-volunteer forces in which personal SE opportunities offered to the enlisted personnel become a major recruitment incentive. 8 Tables, 2 Figures, 18 References. Modified AA