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ABSTRACTUsing on-line newspaper reports, this paper examines how the narratives and counter narratives of the highly publicised gang rape of Pandey in 2012 reproduce rape myths. Using thematic analysis techniques, this research examines how gang rape is used in sectarian agendas in India. It demonstrates that the responses of government, the main opposition political party, and prominent leaders of Hindu nationalist forces to rape cannot be separated from the intersection of gender, misogynist culture and politics. Findings indicated that violated women's bodies became a space for political debates between a conservative, opposition political party's claims about Indian traditions and the government of India. These findings have important implications if we want to challenge rape myths that obscure the need for social and political transformation to stop rape. The highly publicised rape of Pandey marked a turning point for the anti-rape movement in India.

ABSTRACTUsing on-line newspaper reports, this paper examines how the narratives and counter narratives of the highly publicised gang rape of Pandey in 2012 reproduce rape myths. Using thematic analysis techniques, this research examines how gang rape is used in sectarian agendas in India. It demonstrates that the responses of government, the main opposition political party, and prominent leaders of Hindu nationalist forces to rape cannot be separated from the intersection of gender, misogynist culture and politics. Findings indicated that violated women's bodies became a space for political debates between a conservative, opposition political party's claims about Indian traditions and the government of India. These findings have important implications if we want to challenge rape myths that obscure the need for social and political transformation to stop rape. The highly publicised rape of Pandey marked a turning point for the anti-rape movement in India.

Feminist literature on globalization has examined the forces that motivate women to stay in factory jobs despite the horrendous pay. Bangladesh is currently the second largest readymade garment manufacturer after China. How does factory work empower women? This question became a central issue in current feminist theorizing, although this question is often absent from the discussion of global factory workers of Bangladesh. This paper expands the body of feminist knowledge by using in-depth interview data of women workers of a Bangladeshi factory. I highlight how women's income provides them relative autonomy from their family and community and empowers them.

This article examines the lived experiences of workers and the organisational practices of a ready-made garment factory. It illuminates the centrality of social reproduction and the unpaid work of poor women of Bangladesh producing commodities that are channelled to core societies. This article demonstrates that women's responsibility in social reproduction conditions the nature of their paid work, the terms of their employment and the forms of workplace control. Women workers face extremely rigid gender divisions of labour in the sphere of care work within the household and in workplace. Women workers' unpaid housework reproduces the material bases of global capitalism by intensifying the labour demands on factory workers and the production process. Commodity chains (CC) threaten the productive and reproductive labour of poor women in periphery nations through the implementation of strategies by capitalists in core nations and by local capitalists connected to the CC. This article demonstrates the importance of incorporating class, gender, productive and reproductive labour, as well as households into world-systems analysis.

Using reports, interview data, and participant observation, this research examines the anti-sex trafficking movement in Bangladesh, analyzing the effects of internationalization and the growth of regional and transnational efforts to curb sex trafficking in women and children. This research examines the ability of activists of two organizations of Bangladesh to shift their engagement among national, regional, and transnational levels to take advantage provided by complex internationalism and examines the connection between current wave globalization and sex-trafficking. Results indicate that international institutions and transnational coalitions played an important role in shaping the regional networks of activists within South Asia which fostered the development of a larger regional anti-sex-trafficking movement. Results also indicate that much of the soft and hard laws growing up around sex trafficking are the results of actions by South Asian governments, international forums, and NGO activism and not exclusively by northern intervention.