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Introduction. In assessing the quality of education, the author applies the rating approach. To date, a set of the most famous and authoritative ratings has been formed. The basic criteria are the provisions of the value approach, which determine the need to consider the problem of assessing the materiality of ratings.

Methods. The author uses the comparative method. It is proved that educational ratings are based on a "reference approach" to credit rating, but other solutions are possible, including similar comparisons in the service sector.

Analysis. It is established that the materiality of a rating is based on the admissibility of potential distortions of reliable ideas about the educational organization. It is clarified that the value of the comparison is based on the stability of the position in the rating to potentially possible distortions. It is shown that the QS ratings are the closest to the "pattern" comparison procedures in the investment sphere. The paper provides a historical overview of the emergence and formation of educational ratings. It is established that distortions in the rating, regardless of the reasons for their occurrence, can be eliminated by increasing the materiality not of the rating itself, but of the information placed by the university in open sources. At the same time, the comparison of positions in the rating of the actual achieved level of the criterion by the university itself allows to ensure the formation of a more reasonable public opinion about university's capabilities.

Results. It is concluded that the proposed approach to increase the materiality of the information placed in open sources and assess the relationship between the achievements of the university and the positions in the ranking allows to establish national and global educational trends, which can be used by actors of the global educational policy.

The political culture of any society is supported and determined by the spiritual and moral values adopted by this particular society over the course of its historical development. We can say that general cultural values of the metaphysical order eventually transformed into socio-political values that formed the modern heterogeneous political space. The transmission of values, including political ones, takes place by means of exploiting different mechanisms by society and using different tools. Nevertheless, one of the most effective mechanisms at this time is education, which is more and more often considered by developed countries as a means of achieving their economic and political dominance in the international arena. In this aspect, education serves as a tool of "soft power" policy. It is through the expansion and spread of their education model that many countries promote their political values in economically and geopolitically important regions.

The political culture of any society is supported and determined by the spiritual and moral values adopted by this particular society over the course of its historical development. We can say that general cultural values of the metaphysical order eventually transformed into socio-political values that formed the modern heterogeneous political space. The transmission of values, including political ones, takes place by means of exploiting different mechanisms by society and using different tools. Nevertheless, one of the most effective mechanisms at this time is education, which is more and more often considered by developed countries as a means of achieving their economic and political dominance in the international arena. In this aspect, education serves as a tool of "soft power" policy. It is through the expansion and spread of their education model that many countries promote their political values in economically and geopolitically important regions.

В современном мире образование играет важную роль, традиционно выступая в качестве института передачи знаний. Вместе с тем, в условиях многополярного мира роль образования значительно расширилась. Оно прочно входит во внешнеполитический арсенал целого ряда государств, являясь неотъемлемой составляющей и формой их внешнеполитической стратегии.

В статье рассмотрены подходы ряда российских и зарубежных политологов к проблеме определения образования в качестве одного из инструментов политики «мягкой силы». Данная проблематика еще не занимает достаточного места в отечественных политологических исследованиях. Это обусловлено тем, что Россия с некоторым опозданием восприняла концепцию «мягкой силы» в качестве реального инструмента политического влияния на международной арене.

Говоря о географии исследований, следует отметить, что западные авторы проявляют интерес к различным регионам мира и в первую очередь к наиболее активно развивающимся государствам, таким как, например, Китай. Российские же работы в основе своей посвящены либо анализу отечественного опыта по реализации политики «мягкой силы» с использованием ресурса образования, либо европейской политике в контексте участия Российской Федерации в Болонском процессе. Все это говорит о том, что рассматриваемая проблема требует дальнейшего изучения и концептуализации.

The article analyses the methods of implementing the agonal strategies of political debate as one of the prototypical agonal genres of political discourse. For analysis, the speeches of politicians were selected during the 1st Republican primary debates held in the City of Milwaukee on August 23, 2023, streamed by the Fox News channel. The analysis allowed us to identify a 3-level structure of agonal strategies implemented by politicians within the framework of political debate. The 1st (basic) level of strategies – an introductive one – includes strategies for self-positioning, self-presentation and opponent defamation. The purpose of these strategies in terms of their agonal character is to position oneself as a leader worth winning the campaign, demonstrating individual undeniable advantages compared to other candidates and the expulsion of negative features of rivals. The verifying strategies of the 2nd level consist in operating with information received from the opponent aimed at producing an impact on the recipient, and include such strategies as self-defence and the opponent defamation. The additive strategy of the 3rd (highest) level combines the goals and objectives of the strategies of both lower levels; however, it has a special purpose inherent only to it – to give new meaning to the facts and phenomena reported by opponents, by introducing a new angle of tackling the problem. The main strategies at this level include ones of rational and emotional convictions realised by the tactics of introducing new facts and the new aspect ultimately aiming at establishing new semantic linkages in the recipient minds at the site of the destruction of semantic linkages, initially present in the speech of the political opponent. Thus, the study made it possible to ascertain that the genre of political debate, being a tactical repertoire of agonal behaviour strategies. is verbalised by various means, while strategies of a higher level can intersect with the lower ones' strategies, nevertheless making explication of these strategies different, depending on the place of the strategy in the hierarchy.

Introduction. The issues of formation of modern ideas about the actor structure and driving forces of influence in the global educational policy framework are considered. Topic. The understanding of global educational policy is formed in several contexts: as a function of the state; as the activity of non-governmental organizations; as a compromise between multidirectional groups representing the interests of different countries and others. Methods. The application of the multipolarity methodology as the main position for global educational policy is justified. Results. The significance of globalization for the education development is clarified, and its main drivers (political, economic, cultural, technological, and financial) are highlighted. It is shown that establishing the structure of actors is not enough to form a holistic view of global educational policy without specifying in a single methodological structure the reasons for changes in the type and composition of actors and the value of innovations in the future educational agenda. The authors highlight the driving forces that influence global educational policy: scientific and technological progress, transformation of the world economic system, and development of communications; dynamism of foreign policy strategies, which makes it possible to implement the concept of"competition through cooperation". It is proved that the set of possible actions of actors is realized through a sequence of scenarios (economic, institutional, and social scenarios) that lead to the formation of a globalizing scenario as an integral one. Discussion. The presented proposals to clarify the actor approach allow us to get away from the declarative nature and subjectivity of the justification of actors, combining the assessment of possible actions, policies and scenarios to obtain a methodologically significant identification of actors within the available set of knowledge in the chosen field-education.

Introduction. The paper analyses the Russian public sphere during World War I. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of military censorship. The paper demonstrates how censorship restrictions regulated the discussion of issues that were of special political importance and transformed the publicity regime in the country. Methods and materials. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the public sphere model proposed by J. Habermas, as well as special methodological approaches developed in the works of N. Luhmann. With a view to understanding and analysing the processes taking place in the public sphere, the research method of case studies is used. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the activities of military censorship institutions in Russia. Analysis. The study reveals and demonstrates the possibilities of the periodical press to create a special sphere of publicity in the country through the information impact on the population. The article states that the press at the early stage of World War I did not differ in the variety of opinions, made no attempt to develop an objective overview of what was going on. First of all, the issues of the "fair war" and "inevitable victory" were brought up, which fueled the atmosphere of patriotic euphoria. At the same time, the military censorship suppressed any attempts to discuss the possibility of making peace between belligerent countries, even if they came from the supporters of military conflict, as it was the case with the article by P.A. Sorokin. The same trend was observed both in 1915 and 1916. Mentioning peace on the pages of the periodical press was equated with violations that the enemies could use to their advantage. Results. Thus, the press acted as only one, albeit very important, element of the public sphere within which the formation of public opinion took place during World War I. The mechanisms of the public sphere fulfilled one of the key tasks: due to its influence the population was mobilized in all areas of its practical activity. At the very beginning of the war, the press stood in solidarity with the authorities regarding the inevitability of the future victory of Russia and the need to protect the Fatherland from enemy attacks. The question of the duration of hostilities and the advent of peace was more complicated. However, as the war continued and the internal political crisis grew, the attitude towards the early conclusion of peace was changing, gradually transforming into hatred of all the actors of the war in the public sphere, with its own authorities taking the place of the enemy governments. Throughout the war, the pressure on the media by the censorship striving to maintain a pro-government publicity regime increased. However, at some point the transformation of the public sphere became irreversible and in many ways predetermined the events of 1917. The authors' contribution. E.А. Antyukhova has defined the methodological approaches to the interpretation of the documents of the periodical press of World War I in terms of the public sphere, demonstrated its possibilities in the formation of public opinion. V.F. Blokhin has analyzed the existing points of view in the domestic and foreign historiography on the features of the functioning of the periodical press under the conditions of World War I, demonstrated the work of military censorship at different stages during the military conflict.

Introduction. The article analyses the relevant content of the "science diplomacy" concept and describes the key trends of its implementation, taking into account the points of view of current Russian diplomats on the problem. Science diplomacy is becoming a relevant area of diplomatic activity under the conditions of modern globalization processes. As an important area of the activity of the state, it implies not only the establishment of effective science cooperation with other countries but also optimal use of its own scientific potential with a view to upholding the national interests and improving the image of the state. Methods and materials. The authors have reviewed a number of expert points of view from modern researchers. Based on the use of general and special scientific methods, some important conclusions have been drawn concerning the specifics of the development and relevant content of science diplomacy. By comparing and systematising the empirical data obtained from a number of sources, some scientifically significant directions of state activity in this area have been determined. Analysis. By summarising cases from diplomatic practice, the authors seek to determine the role of science diplomacy in the implementation of the current foreign policy tasks of the Russian Federation. According to the results of interviews with S.V. Garmonin, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation in the Swiss Confederation, and A.B. Dorovskikh, Consul General of Russia in Geneva, the basic principles of the practical filling of the "science diplomacy" concept in the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are formulated. Results. The authors come to the conclusion about the consistent improvement of the forms and methods of implementing the scientific direction of Russian diplomacy. At the same time, against the background of a deterioration of the international environment and the politicisation of many areas of international cooperation by the countries of the collective West, there exists the task of further improving the effectiveness of the activities of Russian diplomatic structures to defend the scientific and technological sovereignty of the country. Authors' contribution. E.A. Antyukhova wrote the sections "Introduction" and "Results," participated together with V.D. Olshanskaya in writing the section "Materials and Methods," and prepared the final scientific edition of the text of the work. I.V. Kuznetsov developed the concept of the article and the questionnaire for the interview. V.D. Olshanskaya and E.A. Antyukhova wrote the sections "Analysis" and "Materials and Methods" and also acted as an interviewer.