The UK and the regulation of working time
In: International union rights: journal of the International Centre for Trade Union Rights, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 22-25
ISSN: 2308-5142
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In: International union rights: journal of the International Centre for Trade Union Rights, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 22-25
ISSN: 2308-5142
In: The Modern Law Review, Band 81, Heft 3, S. 395-421
SSRN
In: Ewing , K D , Mahoney , J & Moretta , A 2018 , ' Civil Liberties and the Korean War ' , Modern Law Review , vol. 81 , no. 3 , pp. 395-421 . https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.12339
This article addresses the unsuccessful attempts to suppress free speech during the Korean War, and in particular explains the attempts to silence three reporters of alleged atrocities by United Nations forces. In the absence of carefully targeted legislation, the three individuals – Alan Winnington (a journalist), Monica Felton (a women's movement activist) and Jack Gaster (a solicitor) ‐ were threatened with or investigated for prosecution for treason or sedition, and Winnington was unable to renew his passport until 1968. Drawing heavily on archival sources (including MI5 files, which unusually fail to redact the identity of one of the lawyers who was reporting to Special Branch about Gaster's activities), the article explores the threat to civil liberties from the administrative as well as the legislative and the judicial power of the state. The article concludes by drawing contemporary parallels, and highlighting the continuing relevance of the writings of Winnington, Felton and Gaster.
BASE
This book is a unique and innovative study of the status, powers, and activities of MI5 during the Cold War. It contends that MI5 was subject neither to effective political nor legal scrutiny, and examines the operations of the Security Service for civil liberties, and the contemporary relevance of Cold War practices.
This paper explores occupational safety and health regulation in Great Britain following the UK's exit from the European Union. In particular, the paper focuses on the credibility of regulatory enforcement. The prospects raised by the UK's exit from the European Union have long been part of a free-market fantasy—even obsession—of right-wing politicians and their ideologues. As the UK's relationship with the EU is recalibrated, this will present right-wing opportunists with a new rationale for undermining health and safety law and enforcement. The paper uses empirical evidence of Great Britain's record in health and safety law enforcement to evidence a drift towards an extreme form of self-regulation. It deepens this evidence with a detailed analysis of key international policy debates, arguing that Brexit now raises an imminent threat of the UK entering a 'race to the bottom'. The paper concludes that the 2021 EU/UK Trade and Co-operation Agreement may enable the UK to evade its formal health and safety responsibilities under the treaty because of the lack of the prospect of significant retaliatory 'rebalancing' measures. Should minimal health and safety requirements cease to apply in the post-EU era, then the UK Government will be free to pursue a system of self-regulation that will allow health and safety standards to fall even further behind those of other developed economies.
BASE
This paper explores occupational safety and health regulation in Great Britain following the UK's exit from the European Union. In particular, the paper focuses on the credibility of regulatory enforcement. The prospects raised by the UK's exit from the European Union have long been part of a free-market fantasy—even obsession—of right-wing politicians and their ideologues. As the UK's relationship with the EU is recalibrated, this will present right-wing opportunists with a new rationale for undermining health and safety law and enforcement. The paper uses empirical evidence of Great Britain's record in health and safety law enforcement to evidence a drift towards an extreme form of self-regulation. It deepens this evidence with a detailed analysis of key international policy debates, arguing that Brexit now raises an imminent threat of the UK entering a 'race to the bottom'. The paper concludes that the 2021 EU/UK Trade and Co-operation Agreement may enable the UK to evade its formal health and safety responsibilities under the treaty because of the lack of the prospect of significant retaliatory 'rebalancing' measures. Should minimal health and safety requirements cease to apply in the post-EU era, then the UK Government will be free to pursue a system of self-regulation that will allow health and safety standards to fall even further behind those of other developed economies.
BASE