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In an era of post-globalization, the global political economy needs restructuring. This textbook examines the challenges facing the world economy as a result of climate change and social and economic inequality, and provides future-oriented solutions to them. Andersson presents and explains key concepts from Global Political Economy to show how to design and analyse potential reconstructions of the economic system. With a comprehensive exploration of the different ideological pathways that change might take, and taking account of gender, race and class, the author expertly guides the reader through thematic chapters, including: • the political economy of everyday life; • the regulation of global trade; • post-development; • the production of global value chains; • financial markets. This book will help readers see that global economic change is possible and support clear thinking about a global future that is environmentally, socially and economically sustainable

The research field of (young people's) political socialisation faces methodological challenges in (1) handling individual agency and political culture as simultaneous and mutual, (2) handling the relation between continuity and change and (3) observing the process of meaning-making in political socialisation. The aim of the article is to theoretically argue, present and analytically demonstrate a methodological approach for the study of young people's political socialisation in action, in the meaning-making process of being and becoming (a) political (subject). Within the research framework of situational political socialisation, a transactional methodological approach is contributed and analytically demonstrated with an empirical analysis of political norms in action. Political socialisation is handled as an observable communication and meaning-making practice, thus implying a subjective, situational, relational, participation and action-oriented approach in order to counteract the risks of treating the rising generation as depoliticised objects for political fostering.

School democracy in terms of formal student participation is often expressed through different types of councils. This requires that these forms of political participation function democratically. The article contributes knowledge about the school as a public space and the democratic experiences gained through formal student participation in class and school councils. The article is designed in four steps: (I) the presentation of previous research, (II) the presentation of the pedagogical political participation model used for analysis and discussion, (III) the findings of an empirical case in Sweden, and (IV) theoretical synthetizes using John Dewey's educational theory. It is argued that the political characteristics of formal student participation are uniform and bound to different types of political participation, such as being informed and heard and a lack of political influence that positions students as political objects for democratic fostering. This raises questions about the consequences of students' growth of democratic experiences.

In established democracies, a public pedagogy challenge for municipalities is to create, integrate and expand opportunities for young people's political participation in decision-making. These opportunities are guided by different reasons, values and explanations as to why young people's political participation is important. This article contributes empirical knowledge about the motives that direct young people's political participation in decision-making at the municipal level. By means of a case study in a municipality in the west of Sweden, three recurrent motives have been identified: political participation as a means, democratic fostering and an intrinsic value. Based on political socialization theory, empirical findings and previous research, two major challenges in youth policy work are identified and discussed in terms of public pedagogy.

Teachers find it difficult to conduct political controversial conversations in the social science classroom and due to an increased use of social media in educational settings new challenges and possibilities are raised. The use of social media causes fundamental changes to the role of the learner who becomes a producer and consumer – a prosumer – of educational content. With a social media perspective and a didactical focus on learning in democracy and political action the article discusses didactical conditions and possibilities of political controversial conversations in social science education and derives a set of didactic strategies. When approaching the classroom as a diverse ideological public space, recognising the students as political agents and using a social media perspective it is possible to balance the function of education – socialisation, qualification and subjectification – and at the same time stimulate societal engagement and political action.Los profesores tienen dificultades para llevar a cabo conversaciones políticas controvertidas en el aula de ciencias sociales y debido a un mayor uso de los medios sociales en los centros educativos nuevos retos y posibilidades se plantean. El uso de los medios sociales provoca cambios fundamentales en el papel del estudiante que se convierte en productor y consumidor - un prosumidor - de contenidos educativos. Con una perspectiva de los medios de comunicación social y un enfoque didáctico en el aprendizaje en la democracia y la acción política el artículo discute las condiciones didácticas y posibilidades de conversaciones polémicas políticas en la educación de las ciencias sociales y concluye un conjunto de estrategias didácticas. Al acercarse a la sala de clases como una diversa espacio público ideológica, el reconocimiento de los estudiantes como agentes políticos y el uso de una perspectiva de los medios de comunicación social, es posible equilibrar la función de la educación - la socialización, la cualificación y la subjetivación - y al mismo ...

Abstract
The growth and resilience of world trade indicate that the original aim of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has been largely fulfilled. This success makes the economic interest of parties in the Doha Development Round (DDR) less clear. This article analyzes how countries express their interests in the Doha round, based on their reactions to the breakdown in Geneva in July 2008. A qualitative analysis of these reactions reveals that the interests of the actors differ considerably. Only a minority of the member countries express an interest in negotiations congruent with the Ricardian logic of the original mandate of GATT and the WTO. The interests of other parties seem to be furthered by stalling negotiations. An increasingly important dimension of the DDR is the negotiation and institutionalization of norms, but this dimension hitherto has not been overtly handled. Unless they are productively dealt with, this difference in actors' interests, and the opaque negotiation of norms, will decrease the effectiveness of the Doha negotiations.

In this article we argue that young people's political participation in the social media can be considered 'public pedagogy'. The argument builds on a previous empirical analysis of a Swedish net community called Black Heart. Theoretically, the article is based on a particular notion of public pedagogy, education and Hannah Arendt's expressive agonism. The political participation that takes place in the net community builds up an educational situation that involves central characteristics: communication, community building, a strong content focus and content production, argumentation and rule following. These characteristics pave the way for young people's public voicing, experiencing, preferences and political interests that guide their everyday political life and learning – a phenomenon that we understand as a form of public pedagogy.

In this article we argue that young people's political participation in the social media can be considered 'public pedagogy'. The argument builds on a previous empirical analysis of a Swedish net community called Black Heart. Theoretically, the article is based on a particular notion of public pedagogy, education and Hannah Arendt's expressive agonism. The political participation that takes place in the net community builds up an educational situation that involves central characteristics: communication, community building, a strong content focus and content production, argumentation and rule following. These characteristics pave the way for young people's public voicing, experiencing, preferences and political interests that guide their everyday political life and learning – a phenomenon that we understand as a form of public pedagogy.

In this article we argue that young people's political participation in the social media can be considered 'public pedagogy'. The argument builds on a previous empirical analysis of a Swedish net community called Black Heart. Theoretically, the article is based on a particular notion of public pedagogy, education and Hannah Arendt's expressive agonism. The political participation that takes place in the net community builds up an educational situation that involves central characteristics: communication, community building, a strong content focus and content production, argumentation and rule following. These characteristics pave the way for young people's public voicing, experiencing, preferences and political interests that guide their everyday political life and learning – a phenomenon that we understand as a form of public pedagogy.