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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Appendix -- Acknowledgments -- Foreword -- Part I. The Doctrine of National Security and Development -- Part II. The First Stage of Institutionalization, 1964-1968 -- Part III. The Second Stage of Institutionalization, 1969-1974 -- Conclusion: The Opposition and the State in Perspective -- Appendix -- Abbreviations -- Notes -- Index

A historical perspective is used to examine interclass alliances formed in opposition to military governments in Brazil, 1964-1974, focusing on the political & economic consequences of these alliances for the transition to democracy. A discussion of the state's changing role following the 1964 coup d'etat notes the new regime's goal of developing an economic model involving a tripartite association of state capital, local private capital, & foreign private capital. Political parties were abolished in late 1965, & there were reports of widespread torture of political prisoners. Opposition groups formed in reaction to repressive measures involved alliances composed of underground political parties, trade unions, human rights groups, & other civic organizations. The evolution of these alliances is traced & organizational strategies are described, noting that sustaining a strong interclass alliance required avoiding the conflicting interests inherent in specific election platforms. Reasons for the later emergence of an elite hegemony are discussed, along with the marginalization of the working-class sectors that resulted from the shift to an elite-dominated civilian rule. 5 References. J. Lindroth

A historical perspective is used to examine interclass alliances formed in opposition to military governments in Brazil, 1964-1974, focusing on the political & economic consequences of these alliances for the transition to democracy. A discussion of the state's changing role following the 1964 coup d'etat notes the new regime's goal of developing an economic model involving a tripartite association of state capital, local private capital, & foreign private capital. Political parties were abolished in late 1965, & there were reports of widespread torture of political prisoners. Opposition groups formed in reaction to repressive measures involved alliances composed of underground political parties, trade unions, human rights groups, & other civic organizations. The evolution of these alliances is traced & organizational strategies are described, noting that sustaining a strong interclass alliance required avoiding the conflicting interests inherent in specific election platforms. Reasons for the later emergence of an elite hegemony are discussed, along with the marginalization of the working-class sectors that resulted from the shift to an elite-dominated civilian rule. 5 References. J. Lindroth

By 1978 Brazil's "economic miracle" had come to an end, and the social costs of severe income inequality were becoming unbearable. Because of repressive conditions, most social movements organized quietly, in small and decentralized groups. In April 1978, to the surprise of Brazil's military rulers, workers rebelled. The vast civil disobedience movement succeeded both in achieving salary gains and in delegitimizing the military's anti-strike legislation. The strike movement of 1978 also established Luiz Inacio (Lula) da Silva, president of the metalworkers' union of Sao Bernardo do Campo and uncontested leader of Partido dos Trabalhadores, since its foundation in 1979

Current literature on the process of transition to democracy in Latin American countries often discusses the problems created by the rapid mobilization of popular sectors. From a variety of perspectives, most authors point to the danger of increased political and social mobilization. According to this analysis, the danger stems from the fact that fragile democratic governments like Brazil are unable to cope with the explosion of political, economic, and social demands coming from working-class sectors

For all of Brazil's efforts to reduce poverty-and its progress-the favelas in Rio de Janeiro still house one-third of the city's poor, and violence permeates every aspect of the city. As urban drug gangs and police wage war in the streets, favela residents who are especially vulnerable live in fear of being caught in the crossfire. Politicians, human rights activists, and security authorities have been working to minimize the social and economic problems at the root of this "war."Living in the Crossfire presents impassioned testimony from officials, residents, and others in response

Communities organizing to end Brazil's urban war on drugs.