Suchergebnisse

Through case studies on, amongst others, the labour market, education, the family and legal system, this book examines the salience and silence of race and colour in Jamaica in the decades preceding and following independence and its impact on individuals and society

Belly women : slave women's childbirth practices -- Pickeniny mummas : slave women's childrearing practices -- Deviant and dangerous : slave women's sexuality -- Till death do us part? : slave wives and slave husbands -- The indecency of the lash -- Slavery by another name.

The 'politics of infrastructure' reproduces inequality, leaving many urban residents without access to water, sanitation, and other basic services. Inner-city residents in Kingston, the capital of Jamaica, have long coped with poor drainage and waste collection that increases flood and health risks. Drawing upon a wide range of sources, this study examines how a system of patronage and partisan politics in Jamaica has helped to (re)produce this infrastructural deficit that has harmful effects on many inner-city residents, from independence in 1962 to the 2020 Atlantic hurricane season, the busiest on record. In doing so, it will enhance understanding of the nature of Jamaican politics at the local level, highlighting that politics of the Kingston and St Andrew Corporation (KSAC) – the municipal council – was marked by a continuous interaction between citizens, councillors, MPs and civil servants, and that short-term jobs and contracts were the most important avenues of patronage

Abstract
Because hotels are a microcosm of society, they offer a useful case study to explore social inequalities, including racial divisions. This article examines the experiences of African-Jamaican hotel workers and guests from independence in 1962 till the present to demonstrate the salience of Jamaica's race and color relations. It argues that hotel workers and guests at times challenged the racialized practices that they experienced but more often refrained from doing so because of their socialization into a long-standing ethos of "Black is nuh good" and exposure to a nationalist ideology that projected a vision of racial harmony. The article also shows that through their responses to claims of racial discrimination in hotels, a variety of stakeholders, including tourist organizations, failed to challenge the island's racial hierarchy which placed Whites on top, light-skinned Jamaicans in the middle, and dark-skinned Jamaicans at the bottom.

AbstractOn the eve of independence in 1962, malnutrition was the largest single cause of death in Jamaica for children under one. Although child malnutrition rates have rapidly declined since 1962, today Jamaica experiences a double burden of malnutrition: the coexistence of pockets of high child malnutrition with rising levels of childhood obesity. Based on a wide range of sources, including public documents, newspaper reports, scientific studies and reports by international agencies, this article examines a gradual decline in child malnutrition and the rise of the double burden of malnutrition in Jamaica from independence to the present. It will first of all show that changes in the global economy and overseas loans and aid both aided and limited the ability of the Jamaican government to lower child malnutrition levels and also contributed to a rise in childhood obesity. Second, it will illustrate that a traditional deficit-led approach to child malnutrition was followed in post-independent Jamaica, focussing on the public and individuals as targets for intervention and using quantitative measures to trace progress. And third, it will question whether the double burden of child malnutrition will give rise to 'healthy publics'—'dynamic collectives of people, ideas and environments that can enable health and well-being'.

On the eve of independence in 1962, malnutrition was the largest single cause of death in Jamaica for children under one. Although child malnutrition rates have rapidly declined since 1962, today Jamaica experiences a double burden of malnutrition: the coexistence of pockets of high child malnutrition with rising levels of childhood obesity. Based on a wide range of sources, including public documents, newspaper reports, scientific studies and reports by international agencies, this article examines a gradual decline in child malnutrition and the rise of the double burden of malnutrition in Jamaica from independence to the present. It will first of all show that changes in the global economy and overseas loans and aid both aided and limited the ability of the Jamaican government to lower child malnutrition levels and also contributed to a rise in childhood obesity. Second, it will illustrate that a traditional deficit-led approach to child malnutrition was followed in post-independent Jamaica, focussing on the public and individuals as targets for intervention and using quantitative measures to trace progress. And third, it will question whether the double burden of child malnutrition will give rise to 'healthy publics'—'dynamic collectives of people, ideas and environments that can enable health and well-being'.

On the eve of independence in 1962, 40 to 60 per cent of Jamaican children aged 6 to 24 months died of malnutrition or gastroenteritis. In the decades following, child malnutrition rates rapidly declined: in 2000, less than 4 per cent of all Jamaican children under five were underweight. Based on a wide range of sources, including public documents, newspaper reports, scientific studies and reports by international agencies, this article examines the process by which child malnutrition rates declined in Jamaica in the decades after independence. In particular, it will show that changes in the global economy and conditions imposed by international lenders intersected in complex ways with local factors, making it difficult for the Jamaican government to lower child malnutrition. In doing so, it adds to the history of medicine in post-colonial contexts, which has so far not paid much attention to nutrition. Because of the complex interplay between local and global factors, this article will argue that traditional forms of public health nutrition are incapable of effectively addressing the increasing double burden of malnutrition faced by low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) – the coexistence of undernutrition with overweight and obesity. In Jamaica today pockets of high child malnutrition exist alongside rapidly rising levels of childhood obesity. To address this, a multi-faceted approach is needed, involving different ministries and government agencies. Jamaica experimented with such an approach in the 1970s. The following will set out some lessons we can learn from this experiment and other approaches used to lower child malnutrition levels in post-independence Jamaica.

Abstract
This article examines the political career of the African-Jamaican Dr. Oswald E. Anderson from his entry into local politics in 1919 till his defeat in the first election under universal suffrage in 1944. It will demonstrate that Anderson differed from other black politicians at the time because of his criticism of Crown Colony government, commitment to the welfare of the masses, nationalist fervour and above all his outspokenness about racial discrimination. In addition to describing and explaining why Anderson was such a 'true maverick', the article will also demonstrate that Anderson was a highly ambiguous politician.