The purpose of this study was to examine the association between bullying in the workplace toward people with mild intellectual disabilities in Saudi Arabia and demographic factors (i.e., variables such as age, education levels, gender, years of work experience, and the employment positions of assistant supervisor, assistant manager, area manager, and co-worker). This study utilized the Workplace Psychologically Violent Behaviors tool, and multiple regression analysis. Results found a significant relation between high school and lower bullying levels among three dimensions: isolation, attack on professional status, and attack on personality. Also, the study found that 11 to 15 years of work experience was associated with high levels of bullying among three dimensions: isolation, attack on professional status, and attack on personality. The variable of age (18 to 43) was associated with a high level of bullying among three dimensions: isolation, attack on professional status, and direct negative behaviors in the workplace toward people with intellectual disabilities. In addition, findings showed that three employment positions (i.e., assistant manager, area manager, and co-workers) were related to bullying against workers with intellectual disabilities. These findings prompt the recommendation that human resources personnel pay attention to work policies on bullying prevention, and that every workplace hire specialists to assist companies in supporting workers with disabilities.
Received: 5 July 2023 / Accepted: 23 August 2023 / Published: 5 September 2023
This study aims to investigate Kuwaiti parents' views and opinions towards introducing native speakers' and international cultures into their children's' EFL textbooks in public schools in the light of recent debates that discuss the relationship between culture and English language teaching. It also intends to explore and discover their perceptions towards the current cultural content being taught in Kuwait public elementary schools. For this purpose, questionnaires were distributed among Kuwaiti parents whom their children study in the government public schools followed by semi-structured interviews to get more detailed and in-depth information about the topic discussed. The findings of this study show that the vast majority had negative opinions and views towards exposing their children to native speaker's cultures for social and religious reasons. One of which is their underlying concern about the negative impacts of native speakers' content on their children's cultural and national identity. However, most of them agreed their children learn EFL through the prism of the international multicultural cultural content to prepare them use the language in different cultural contexts when they grow up. The results also showed that most of them preferred to keep the current ELT syllabus which uses the host cultural content rather than replacing it with the native speakers' one for the same reasons and also in view of growing awareness of the role played by culture in the EFL classroom which propound the nature of the Kuwaiti society of being conservative and cautious.
Abstract The phenomenon of mass surveillance has confronted legal systems throughout the world with significant challenges to their fundamental norms and values. These dilemmas have been most extensively studied and discussed in relation to the kind of privacy cultures that exist in Europe and North America. Although mass surveillance creates the same kinds of challenges in Muslim countries, the phenomenon has rarely been discussed from the perspective of Shari'a. This article seeks to demonstrate that this neglect of mass surveillance and other similar phenomena by Shari'a scholars is unjustified. Firstly, the article will address objections that Shari'a does not contain legal norms that are relevant to the modern practice of state surveillance and that, if these exist, they are not binding on rulers and will also seek to show that, whatever terminology is employed, significant aspects of the protection of privacy and personal data that exists in other legal systems is also be found deeply-rooted in Shari'a. Secondly, it will assess the specific requirements that it makes in relation to such intrusion on private spaces and private conduct and how far it can benefit from an exception to the general prohibition on spying. Finally, it is concluded that mass surveillance is unlikely to meet these Shari'a requirements and that only targeted surveillance can generally do so.
AbstractThe paper provides valuable accounts of the general concepts underlying privacy law in both cultures, and great detail about the impact of criminal procedure and evidence rules on privacy in reality rather than legal theory. It is, in this sense, a "realist" approach to privacy, particularly but not exclusively in relation to sexual activity. The distinction which the article draws between the frameworks within which privacy is conceived broadly, self-determination and limited government in the USA, protection of one's persona in Europe, and reputation in Islamic law. However, the paper argues that Western and Islamic traditions share many of the same concepts about the tests to be applied when deciding how far an intrusion on privacy is justified and value many of the same interests in doing so. At the same time, it will highlight those areas where they differ which are not ones of crucial importance when deciding, for example, what are the proper limits on mass surveillance. Indirectly, this shows that even though there may be stark differences between the cultures on some points, there is enough agreement on some aspects of privacy to make comparisons in relation to issues such as mass surveillance.
Examining the indoor air environment of public venues, especially populated supermarkets such as Co-Ops in Kuwait, is crucial to ensure that these venues are safe from indoor environmental deficits such as sick building syndrome (SBS). The aim of this study was to characterize the quality of the indoor air environment of the Co-Ops supermarkets in Kuwait based on investigation of CO2, CO, NO2, H2S, TVOCs, and NMHC. On-site measurements were conducted to evaluate these parameters in three locations at the selected Co-Ops, and the perceived air quality (PAQ) was determined to quantify the air&rsquo ; s pollutants as perceived by humans. Moreover, the indoor air quality index (AQI) was constructed for the selected locations, and the ANOVA test was used to analyze the association between the observed concentrations among these environmental parameters. At least in one spot at each Co-Op, the tested environmental parameters exceeded the threshold limit set by the environmental agencies. The PAQ for Co-Op1, 2, and 3 are 1.25, 1.00, and 0.75 respectively. CO2 was significantly found in an association with CO, H2S, and TVOCs, and its indoor-outdoor concentrations were significantly correlated with R2 values ranges from 0.40 to 0.86 depending on the tested location.
Is China rising in the Arab Gulf region as it is in other parts of world? Does China rise politically and militarily as well as economically in the region? Does its rise represent a golden opportunity for Arab Gulf states? Does China challenge the United States in the Arab Gulf region? What are the strategic responses of the Arab Gulf states toward China's rise? There is an ongoing debate among scholars of international relations (IR) and Asian studies regarding China's rise, its forms and types, its impacts on hegemonic power, international order, states' internal and external politics, and states' strategic responses toward this rise. Realists argue that any rising power will ultimately challenge the dominant power, seek to change the international order to its favor, attract or coerce by utilizing its increasing economic and military powers the other states to do what it needs and demands. In their view China is not an exception. This dissertation contributes to these discourses by examining if China is rising in the Arab Gulf region, what type is this rise, what it means to the Arab Gulf monarchies, and what are their strategic responses toward it. This dissertation finds the following: first, although China's recent increase in prominence and power is profoundly affecting some parts of the world, China is rising only economically in the Arab Gulf region. This rise is an 'infant energy-oriented economic rise.' Importing and exporting oil represent the bulk of Sino-Arab Gulf economic ties. In spite of ongoing and planned investments between China and the Arab Gulf states, these investments are mostly in the energy sector and relate mainly to building oil refineries and storage facilities in China in order to increase oil trade between the two sides. Also, although the Arab Gulf states and China are members in many economic forums and dialogues, these forums are merely 'talk shows' without any influence in strengthening ties between the two sides. Moreover, Arab Gulf states do not play a significant role in China's One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR). It can be stated that the mutual economic interests in energy sector are the wheels that have driven China's infant economic rise and paved the way for it.Secondly, China's rise today represents a limited opportunity for Arab Gulf states. China's increased economic power is not translated into superior security and military power. Also, although China and the Arab Gulf states are increasing their economic/energy ties, their security and military ties are insignificant compared to Arab Gulf states' ties with their traditional ally, the United States. Therefore, China lacks the ability to provide the Arab Gulf states with the security they need. Four factors set limits on China–Arab Gulf security and military ties: first China's support and strong political, economic, and military ties with rival states, namely, Iran and Syria. Second, China's influence over the Arab Gulf states' traditional allies specifically, Pakistan. Third, the Arab Gulf states' alliances with the United States. Although the US-Arab Gulf ties have witnessed major political tensions after the events of September 11 and the Arab Spring, the United States will continue to be, for the next few decades, the region's protector. Fourth, China's fear of being entangled in the region's security issues and their impacts on China's internal stability, mainly the fear of Sunni radical Islam and its links to and impact on Muslims in China.Thirdly, the Arab Gulf states studied here—Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Oman—are pursuing a "dual hedging" strategy against China and the United States. The strategy has two dimensions. First, they are hedging against the danger that China poses to them by its stance on the region's security issues. The Arab Gulf states find that China's approach in their region is threatening their stability and survival. Therefore, while maintaining and increasing their economic and commercial ties with China, they are also strengthening military ties with the United States as well as taking steps on their own to build their militaries. This first dimension of the strategy enables them to cope with indirect threats that China poses to them because of its position regarding the Arab Gulf region's security matters and support of Iran and Syria. Second, the Arab Gulf states are hedging against the possibility that the United States might someday abandon them. They are utilizing growing economic and commercial ties with China to signal to the U.S. that the Arab Gulf region is no more dominated by the United States. And there is a new power in their region that is willing to strengthen its ties with them without irritating them by interfering in their internal political issues, a new rising power that is perceived by the U.S. as threat to its power and hegemony. Finally, a new rising power that made the U.S. change its foreign and security policies toward the Arab Gulf and 'pivot to Asia.' The Arab Gulf states realize that maneuvering between the two powers, the U.S. as the security power, and China as the economic power, is their only strategic choice to fulfil their security and economic needs simultaneously, therefore, securing themselves externally and internally.Fourth, it is Iran, not Saudi Arabia, which is viewed by China as its primary strategic ally, economic, and security partner in the region. China and Iran cooperate extensively and comprehensively in economic, political, and security aspects. Both are members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which is a vital organization in Central Asia, that paves the way for them to upgrade and solidify their security, political, and economic cooperation.This dissertation applies qualitative methods of research, including online archival research, physical archival research and interviews. Personal interviews with political officials, retired diplomats, scholars, writers, and journalists were conducted in Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
