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While there are over 500,000 people in Canada who claim Caribbean origins or descent, they do not automatically constitute a Caribbean 'community' or a Caribbean diaspora. The Caribbean diaspora in Canada, often confused with something called a "black diaspora," is smaller, more homogeneous in class terms, more racialized and more concentrated in certain neighborhoods. Because of the advantages that accrue to capital from having a pliable workforce that will eagerly accept low wages and less than ideal working conditions, it is important to have a diaspora to which capital can go in times of labor need; at the same time, given their powerlessness, the flexibility of such a workforce guarantees that such workers can be easily dismissed during economic downswings. In all of this "race," racism and racialization play a key role, and came to a head when community leaders and parents were successful in launching a black-focused school in Toronto. At the end of the day, however, the class affiliation of members of the diaspora is clearly distinct from that of the more economically successful and occupationally mobile CaribbeanCanadians, whose social class, educational and residential locations separate them from their diasporic countrymen and countrywomen.

In the interest of locating race and ethnicity as sociological and political categories that are inimical to contemporary conceptions of the nation state, editor Anton L. Allahar explores the geopolitics of the Caribbean through a comparative focus. The result is a study that is unique in scope and also in its level of scholarly reflection. This book is the first of its kind. It is essential reading for anyone interested in advancing their analysis of political, economic, social, and cultural thought in the Caribbean and other former colonial modern nations

The present paper aims to propose a schema for analysing the contemporary politics of national and ethnic identity in post-colonial and post-socialist states. To this end it will seek: (a) to provide a comprehensive operational definition of nationalism, (b) to qualify that definition by the addition of the adjective 'ethnic,' (c) to assess the extent to which the concept 'ethnic nationalism' can help us to understand some of the politics of ethnicity and national identity in a post-independence setting, and (d) to problematize the notion of 'false consciousness' in ethno-national political appeals. My argument will be situated within the broad theoretical framework of a non-reductionist, neo-Marxist class analysis, for it is my conviction that ethno-national consciousness and politics are better understood if we are able to trace the concrete class interests and motives of their promoters. In other words, whether as sentiment or as movement, nationa­lism cannot be divorced from the class interests of its leading promoters. But one must be cautious when absolutizing the class claim, for in the specific case of ethnic nationalism, for example, Robin Williams has noted that "to dismiss ethnicity as false consciousness ignores the clear evidence that ethnies often sacrifice economic interests in favour of symbolic gains" (1994:64-65), and even beyond this, as Ronaldo Munck reminds us, "nationalism matters because people die for it" (1986:2).

The present paper aims to propose a schema for analysing the contemporary politics of national and ethnic identity in post-colonial and post-socialist states. To this end it will seek: (a) to provide a comprehensive operational definition of nationalism, (b) to qualify that definition by the addition of the adjective 'ethnic,' (c) to assess the extent to which the concept 'ethnic nationalism' can help us to understand some of the politics of ethnicity and national identity in a post-independence setting, and (d) to problematize the notion of 'false consciousness' in ethno-national political appeals. My argument will be situated within the broad theoretical framework of a non-reductionist, neo-Marxist class analysis, for it is my conviction that ethno-national consciousness and politics are better understood if we are able to trace the concrete class interests and motives of their promoters. In other words, whether as sentiment or as movement, nationa­lism cannot be divorced from the class interests of its leading promoters. But one must be cautious when absolutizing the class claim, for in the specific case of ethnic nationalism, for example, Robin Williams has noted that "to dismiss ethnicity as false consciousness ignores the clear evidence that ethnies often sacrifice economic interests in favour of symbolic gains" (1994:64-65), and even beyond this, as Ronaldo Munck reminds us, "nationalism matters because people die for it" (1986:2). ; Šio straipsnio paskirtis – sukonstruoti koncepcinę schemą, kuri leistų nagrinėti šiuolaikinę nacionalinio ir etninio tapatumo politiką postkolonialinėse ir postsocialistinėse valstybėse. Siekiama a) pateikti supratingą euristinį nacionalizmo apibrėžimą, b) sukonkretinti šį apibrėžimą papildant jį pažyminiu "etninis", c) įvertinti etninio nacionalizmo sampratos euristinę svarbą siekiant suprasti etniškumo ir nacionalinio identiteto politiką valstybėms atgavus nepriklausomybę, d) suprobleminti "klaidinančios sąmonės" sąvoką susiejant ją su etnonacionalinės politikos idealų patrauklumo idėja.