Russia in 2024: Great-power ambitions amid uncertain economy and Ukraine war
Despite its aspirations for power, a shaky war-economy might slow down Russia's military ambitions ...
11 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
Despite its aspirations for power, a shaky war-economy might slow down Russia's military ambitions ...
SWP
The BRICS Summit 2024 makes it clear that members must align their positions if they seek tangible outcomes ...
SWP
While the Russia-India defence ties remain vital, the Ukraine war and shifting geopolitics are prompting a re-evaluation of the partnership ...
SWP
Cette note examine la trajectoire des relations entre l'Inde et la Russie après février 2022. La guerre en Ukraine est apparue comme un défi important pour les liens bilatéraux, présentant de nouveaux obstacles pour les relations politiques et diplomatiques, et intensifiant les difficultés antérieures dans le développement de la coopération économique.
SWP
Desperate to get around international isolation and seeking to co-opt new 'friendly states', Moscow seems ready to make allowance for the region's mixed positions on its actions in Ukraine ...
SWP
While India and Russia are maintaining close ties, it is hard to expect any makeover of the relationship ...
SWP
In: Vestnik meždunarodnych organizacij: obrazovanie, nauka, novaja ėkonomika = International organisations research journal, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 92-104
India's successful Group of 20 (G20) presidency in 2023 has drawn attention to the country's foreign policy approach in the
face of growing great power polarization and the crisis of multilateralism. New Delhi seeks to engage all centres of power and
reach out to as many multilateral groupings as possible, while continuing its cautious balancing act in global affairs. Additionally, India is positioning itself as a bridge between East and West, a responsible power capable of providing development
assistance to needy countries and acting as a "voice of the global South."
The author argues that the policy of multi-alignment and the positioning as a vishwa mitra (friend of the world) are
intended to enable India to achieve a new status in the system of global governance. The study of official documents and
literature has shown that New Delhi's key imperative in this path is to maintain its independence of decision-making, while
the main challenge is to address the potential discontent on the part of foreign partners with the opportunistic nature of
Indian approaches.
The article deciphers India's policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), a region that has not previously
been a priority for Indian foreign policy. The author identifies four aspects of India's approach to expanding its presence
in LAC: strengthening ties with specific states (Brazil, Argentina, Mexico); promoting economic projects in sectors with
competitive advantages for Indian companies; developing contacts with regional integration associations (the Community
of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), the Central American Integration System (SICA), and the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM)) and interaction in multilateral formats (G20, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South
Africa, and others), IBSA (India, Brazil, and South Africa), and the Group of 4 (G4)); and exploiting cultural and historical ties and the influence of the diaspora. The growing engagement with the LAC region is a manifestation of India's more
ambitious identity and its intention to make the transition from a "balancing power to a leading power."
In: Vestnik MGIMO-Universiteta: naučnyj recenziruemyj žurnal = MGIMO review of international relations : scientific peer-reviewed journal, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 216-234
ISSN: 2541-9099
Connectivity has been one of the most challenging issues for developing trade cooperation between Russia and India. Due to the geographic distance separating the two nations, along with the unstable security environment in Afghanistan and border disputes between India and Pakistan, the creation of a direct and shortest transport route has proven difficult, thereby rendering it impossible to implement crucial projects in energy infrastructure.This paper briefly outlines the functioning logistics between Russia and India, which has relied primarily on shipping through the Suez Canal, with an emphasis on the developments in the wake of conflict in Ukraine. The author briefly explores the prospects for maritime connectivity between the Russian Far East and Indian ports, and highlights several challenges for launching a regular Vladivostok-Chennai corridor.The US and European sanctions against the Russian economy, combined with subsequent difficulties in transporting goods by sea, has reinvigorated Russia's efforts to complete the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). This corridor holds significant potential for Russia to expand its reach to India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa. Additionally, it is believed that the project may facilitate India's connectivity with countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. Therefore, this paper particularly examines the case of the land corridor, exploring its current progress in implementation, the geoeconomic factors involved, existing challenges, and opportunities for compatibility with other initiatives, such as the Europe-Caucasus-Asia Transport Corridor (TRACECA), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Chabahar port.The author argues that, although the implementation of connectivity projects between the two countries will not solve structural problems in their trade relationship, both have a vested interest in promoting infrastructure development for a deeper engagement with new regions. To qualitatively boost Russian-Indian trade, affordable logistical solutions should be developed simultaneously with the resolution of other issues like the settlements for financial transactions, and the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers.
In: Strategic analysis: a monthly journal of the IDSA, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 173-175
ISSN: 1754-0054
In: Strategic analysis: a monthly journal of the IDSA, Band 43, Heft 5, S. 357-371
ISSN: 1754-0054
World Affairs Online
In: Vostočnaja analitika, Band 14, Heft 2 (2023), S. 61-73
The article examines the Indian approach to the Ukrainian crisis a year after the start of the active phase of the military actions. The authors consider new aspects of the strategic dialogue between Russia and India, analyze the Indian position in voting at the United Nations level, study expert discussions, assess the impact of the conflict on trade and economic cooperation between the two countries. The Ukrainian conflict did not have a significant impact on the political contacts between Russia and India, although it led to an exacerbation of differences in the perception of geopolitical processes associated with the movement of countries towards opposite global centers of power - China and the United States, respectively. The crisis slightly changed the structure of the countries' trade and economic ties, although it brought about record volumes in India's imports of Russian energy resources. However, the growth in trade opens up the potential for a wider range of mechanisms of economic interaction in the long term.