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Electoral symbols have a significant role in electoral campaigns. Political parties used stamps to propagate their political stance and to organize political behavior around their programs. The political symbolism demonstrates different meanings to different people due to their socio-political orientations.Some political parties tried to use electoral symbols more proactively than others. These multi-layered meanings led to the articulate political interests of social groups. There are many questions unanswered regarding the impact and use of the political symbol. Can election symbols influence particular areas more than the rest of the country? Does electoral symbol matter in electoral victory? This paper is an attempt to explore the politics and use of symbols in electoral politics. In the electoral politics of Pakistan, the study of electoral symbols is unique due to its multiple uses in highly polarized electoral contexts. The study concludes that political parties use electoral symbols tactfully to maximize their vote bank. A qualitative approach has been used to investigate a core question

The political debates are the major indicators to open a dialogue and to set the tone of politics in society. The elections' debates in Pakistan are directly linked with the nature of the state and its ideological and elite composition. The post-colonial state structure and its reflection in electoral politics is a dominant determining factor which led to induce order through objectifying in existing electoral status quo. The dominant forces on the electoral scene have the power to interpret the existing knowledge production and debate for their own interest. Both objectivities and subjectivities in which electoral debates operate are in control of the post-colonial state structure. This paper is an attempt to explore the articulation of electoral debates in academic knowledge production. Further, how does existing academic debate explain the nature of electoral politics? Why?The purposively selected academic debates on elections revolved around functionalist and interpretivist paradigms influenced by the existing debate between subjectivity and objectivity. The descriptive method has been applied in exploring a research question under study.

Construction of perception and commodification of foresight is a political tool to hold control over the means of production and enhance a hegemonic control over the public sphere, imagination, and even mass perceptions. Foresight is a process to (re)produce commodities, but the process is itself a commodity. Foresight has become a commodity; now, it is a market product for sale and purchase. Politics of prospects related to CPEC and the construction of perceptions and meanings attached to the development process is a significant component of foresight.This paper is primarily an explanation of hermeneutical study CPEC by analyzing the existing perceptions and perceived prospects. The perceptions and perceived prospects provide an institutional base of forecasting and foresight. CPEC is operating in a larger capitalist system whose sole purpose is (re)production of capital in which superficial fascination of foresight and development are merely commodities for buying and selling. A qualitative approach has been used for analyzing the perceived prospects over CPEC. Pakistan perceives CPEC as the development of industry, infrastructure, and agriculture and a catalyst for economic growth development.

CPEC is deeply interconnected with federal structural in Pakistan. There is a difference of opinion amongst the scholars and policy makers regarding the impact of CPEC on federalism in Pakistan. This paper is an attempt to analyze liberal framework of federation and its connection with neoliberal development project of CPEC. In neoliberal framework, the decentralization and distribution of resources amongst the federating units and sub-national identities seems complex puzzle. The dominant forces amongst federating units joined same elite class for the protection of their own interest. This elite concentration and bargain model is reciprocal to the fundamental idea of federation. This paper demonstrates that CPEC is sharpening the unevenness amongst the federating units and sub-national identities.

Development' is a political project which is based on a principle of reducing inequalities and poverty. It is a centuries-old concept that is deeply rooted in the history of economic thoughts. From the age of mercantilism to the liberal and neoliberal context, the nature of development has changed drastically. From 1945 to the 1970s, there was a popular liberal model of development under the slogans of 'right to development. The liberal nature of development tuned into conservatively camouflaged neoliberal development in the 1980s protected by the world bank structural adjustment program. In neoliberal development facade, the development process is emptied from welfarist. Development without welfare and development for underdevelopment are the main characteristics of neoliberal development. This paper is an exploration of the political economy of development, which means development to whom? Through a qualitative approach, it is found that neoliberal forces benefited from CPEC developmental project. The political economy of CPEC is a complex phenomenon that is linked with development, investment, technology, and human resources.

China-Pakistan's economic corridor provides a strategic link to Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) and its global outreach. The infrastructural connectivity between China and Pakistan is primarily focused on the trade route to get access in the markets of theMiddle East, Europe, and Africa. In the context of CPEC,what does infrastructure mean? What does it reflect/represent? And to whom is it? Are the major questions that have been explored in this paper.Infrastructural development encompasses a holistic social sphere that relates to physical and institutional structures. It also facilitates the flow of commodities, including capita land sources of production. After the 9/11 incident, Pakistan became a front line state against the war on terror; then, its internal and external factors compelled Pakistan towards Chinese-led infrastructural development to consolidate State power. This paper is an attempt to explore the politics of infrastructure development in the context of CPEC. The findings are based on empirical evidence with strong insights from a theoretical framework. Positivist, post positivist, and critical approaches have been used to explore the relationship between CPEC and the politics of infrastructural development.

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is a strategic game-changer development projects both for China and Pakistan with varying interests. For the successful implementation of CPEC, various cooperation mechanisms were signed between China and Pakistan. This cooperation mechanism has been perceived differently by different stakeholders. The mechanism of cooperation seems like a complex phenomenon due to the interest articulation and contradictions of the capitalist model of cooperation. Moreover, cooperation also needs adaptation to produce and reproduce capital in the case of CPEC related projects. An attempt has been made in this paper to explore the mechanisms of cooperation on CPEC. Who is benefiting from this cooperation? And how this cooperation mechanism is being translated into a project of game-changer.' In a capitalist structure, the control over means of production and private ownership creates a nature of competition protected by existing institutional arrangements to strengthen a structure of profiteering. Cooperation is totally opposite to competition, and primarily it depends on the socialistic principle of sharing and caring.

There are multiple challenges to CPEC,and one amongst many is developmental-ism. In developmental-ism, the idea of development is imposed on the masses without their consent.This paper is an attempt to analyze selected challenges to CPEC along with developmental-ism. The socialization o fdevelopment plans and infrastructure with a social cause tocreates multiple challenges and opportunities. The questions whether a CPEC being a development plan can meet emerging challenges in politics and development? How does CPEC address these challenges? The present study explains the various challenges related to CPEC as a game-changer developmental project. The major challenges are strategic impacts of CPEC on Pakistan, profit rate charged by China on loans regarding CPEC, its effects on Pakistan's balance of payment, environmental issues, security costs, regional and international impacts, etc. The internal and external challenges are also shaping potential threats to mount pressure on the development projects of CPEC, which cause undermine the economic interests of different actors in the region

The published literature reviewed indicates that the subject of current research has remained away from scholarly focus. The existing academic literature shows that studies on electoral politics largely focused on social and political determinants of voting behavior. The current study explains that sociology-historical material trajectory of the voting process. This has been continuously shaping aset of dispositions of people through the continued interplay of base structure and superstructure, which have a deep impact on voter choice formation. These dispositions formulate a neo liberal habit us and shape electoral choices of voters controlled by super structural forces who control the process of elections. The present study aimed at investigating the dynamics of voters' choices. Why do voters vote? This is a key research question that has been explored in this paper.This research focuses on issues in which even electoral systems are operating,and these systems are manufacturing voting choices. The relationship of base structure and superstructures are the major framework that determines the behavior of voters in the larger electoral process. This is qualitative and theoretical study, and evidence have been taken from Hazara and Pothohar regions of Pakistan.

This article explores and tests whether awareness of social equity in public services delivery is existed in local public administration and citizens, and whether these perceptions are different between local offices and citizens. Using data from a survey of Pakistani local public offices (n = 150) and citizens (n = 1200), the authors generally find positive awareness of fairness, justice and social equity but the strength of the associations vary among different level of income groups. Awareness of fairness and justice and social equity differs significantly between public offices and citizens in services delivery. The practical implications of the findings and recommendations are discussed. The important implication this article shows that local public organizations can benefit in issues of fairness, justice and in equity in public services delivery while facilitating the two-way communication between public offices and citizens and there is need of professional public administration that can understand and practice social equity.

The primary purpose of parliamentarian is to make legislation to enable the lives of the people as per the requirements of the teachings of Islam (Quran and Sunnah) as described in Objectives Resolution 1949 and the constitution of 1973. In the parliamentary system of Pakistan, women's share as elected representatives is very low. Despite a low share in representation, there are some women's voices that reflect the sentiments of Islamic legislation. There is a wide array of academic scholarship on Islam and women's politics. This scholarship is divided into dogmatic conservative interpretation and liberal and modern interpretation. The dogmatic interpretive knowledge production is not in favour of women's political space but on the other side, modern liberal interpretive knowledge production explains the concept of modernity in Islam and favoured women's political participation. This paper explains the nature of knowledge production on Islam and women politics within the framework of dogmatism and modern interpretive perspective. The modern interpretivism claim that women have equal rights in political representation on the principle of gender equality. Dogmatists claim that women need to live as per prescribed limits set by the sacred injunctions.

Women empowerment and Islamization have critical relationship with each other in the political history of Pakistan. The domination of a single dogmatic thought process has affected the alternatives and has reduced the political space of almost half of the societal segment in the political sphere. The initiatives of women empowerment have been taken in Pakistan, but that empowerment could not trickle down to the masses. The slogans of empowerment further concentrate the power of the dominant elite in a same class. The process of Islamization started in Pakistan before its inception in 1947. Islamization got significant momentum during the Zia-ul-Haq regime in Pakistan in the 1980s. This paper is an attempt to explore the engagements of women with Islamization and how the process of Islamization influenced women's empowerment. The existing writings on Islamization largely focused on Islamic laws and their political manifestation in the polity of Pakistan. This study primarily focused on gendered dimensions and their linkages with Islamization. A qualitative approach has been used for exploring the core question, and it has been found that ideological state apparatuses are dominating both Islamization and women's political rights.

The Quran is a primary sacred text for all Muslims which provides a basic idea of Islamic legislation and women role in politics. There are numerous verses in the Quran that teaches the followers to understand and support the participation of women in politics in a given context. Hermeneutics of Quran and the gendered public sphere have complex and critical relationships with each other. The sacred religious text of the Quran is interpreted in multiple perspectives depending on socio-cultural and historical context. Society largely reconcile its intellectual tone through interpretation of text and knowledge production. The paper is an attempt to elaborate on the hermeneutics of the Quran in the context of women's politics. There is a contradictory hermeneutical debate on Quranic text on the issue of women existing in the political sphere. Interpretation is a continuous process and deeply embedded in socio-cultural dynamics. Based on a principles of hermeneutics, Quran is considered to be for all times and ages. As per the rhetoric of the 21stcentury, the contemporary hermeneutics of the Quran provides equal human space to all genders.

There are various perspectives and interpretations regarding an interaction of religion and women's parliamentary Representation. In Pakistan,the religious debate started since its inception in 1947. The religious debates translated into objectives resolution and were adopted by the constituent assembly in 1949. Women parliamentary Representation remained a complex phenomenon due to the religiously dominated cultural sphere. However, the initiatives towards women's Representation started in the 1920spassed through different challenges and opportunities. The constitutions of Pakistan from 1956 to 1973 have also incorporated relevant sections regarding women's Representation. A significant issue merged in the 1990s in Pakistan when the constitutional mechanism regarding women's Representation lapsed. The global initiatives on women's political Representation were the major milestone that influenced Pakistan politics in 2000. During this period, gender-equal participation in the decision-making process was brought at the center of political debate. During the Musharraf regime, women parliamentary share increased up to 20percent on reserved seats. This paper is anattempt to explore women's Representation in Islamic perspectivesand their contributions to women. The result of this qualitativeresearch shows that women parliamentarians are primarilyrepresenting their own political parties and class in decision-making bodies

Pakistan has declared itself an Islamic state, but in terms of gender, its constitutional provisions are equal to all citizens. The gendered UN-evenness is embedded in the social fabric of society due to men's domination over the mode of production. This unevenness is causing gendered segregation and alienation by women in a society. How does 'state' ideological orientation influence women's politics and their involvement in Islamic Legislation? This is a fundamental question that has been addressed in this paper. The available scholarship explained the nature of Islamic legislation and place of women in Islam. The present study is an attempt to explore the nature of the state and its ideological implications on women's role in Islamic legislation. Applying the qualitative approach, it has been found that the ideological nature of the state is structuring and re-organizing the relationship between women and legislation.Despite representation in the legislative process, women are yet alienated from control over the decision-making process.